-ORNIA  COLLEGE 
IN  CHINA 

B    M    lED    TflT 

Field  Museum  of  Natural  History. 

Publication  162. 

Anthropological  Series.  Vol.  XII,  No.  i 


CHINESE   POTTERY 

IN   THE  PHILIPPINES 

BY 

Fay-Cooper  Cole 

WITH  postscript  BY 

Berthold  Laufer 


The  Robert  F.  Cummings  Philippine  Expedition 


George  A.  Dorsey 
Curator,  Department  of  Anthropology 


Chicago,  U.  S.  A. 
July,  1912. 


•■ 

CALIFORNIA  COLLEGE 
IN  CHINA 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History. 
Publication  162. 
Anthropological  Series.  Vol.  XII,  No. 


CHINESE   POTTERY 

IN   THE   PHILIPPINES 

BY 

Fay-Cooper  Cole 

WITH  POSTSCRIPT  BY 

Berthold  Laufer 


The  Robert  F.  Cummings  Philippine  Expedition 


George  A.  Dorsey 
Curator,  Department  of  Anthropology 


BERKELEY 

GENERAL 
LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY    OF 
CALIFORNIA 


Chicago,  U.  S.  A. 
July,  1912. 


^^  A  ^^  ^.  ftnv.vj 


u^■l 


In  the  spring  of  1906  Mr.  Robert  F.  Cummings  of  this  city  expressed 
his  intention  of  providing  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  with 
funds  to  defray  the  expenses  of  an  extended  series  of  Ethnological 
investigations  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Working  imder  this  Hberal  endowment  the  following  expeditions 
have  been  in  the  field : 

In  1906  Mr.  S.  C.  Simms  visited  the  Igorot  of  Benguet,  Lepanto 
and  Bontoc,  and  the  Ifugao  of  Nueva  Viscaya.  During  1907-8  Mr. 
F.  C.  Cole  worked  among  the  Tinguian,  Apayao  and  Kalinga  tribes  of 
Northern  Luzon,  and  the  Batak  of  Palawan. 

The  late  Dr.  WiUiam  Jones  reached  the  PhiHppines  in  the  fall  of 
1907  and  proceeded  to  the  Ilongot  of  the  Upper  Cagayan  river,  Luzon. 
After  residing  a  year  in  that  district  he  was  murdered  by  members  of 
a  hostile  village.  Following  Dr.  Jones'  death  Mr.  Simms  returned  to 
the  Philippines,  secured  the  material  gathered  by  Dr.  Jones  and  com- 
pleted the  Igorot  and  Ifugao  collections,  visiting  for  this  purpose  the 
Mayayao  and  Amburayan  Igorot,  in  addition  to  certain  points  touched 
on  the  first  expedition. 

In  the  fall  of  1909  Mr.  Cole  returned  to  the  Islands  and  devoted 
nearly  two  years  to  the  study  of  the  pigmy  blacks  of  Bataan  province, 
the  Bukidnon  of  North  Central  Mindanao,  and  the  several  tribes 
residing  about  the  Gulf  of  Davao  in  Southern  Mindanao. 

While  the  primary  object  of  these  expeditions  was  to  gather  museum 
collections,  much  time  was  given  to  the  study  of  the  mental  and  material 
culture,  as  well  as  of  the  language,  folklore  and  anthropometry  of 
the  tribes  visited.  The  results  of  these  studies  will  appear  from  time  to 
time  in  the  Anthropological  Series  of  this  Museum.  The  present  paper 
forms  the  first  issue  of  Mr.  Cole's  researches. 

George  A.  Dorsey. 


f^/%f^^nfXci 


CHINESE   POTTERY   IN   THE   PHILIPPINES 

When  the  Spaniards  first  set  foot  in  the  PhiHppines,  they  found 
evidences  of  trade  with  an  advanced  nation.  When  near  Leyte, 
Magellan  stopped  for  a  time  at  a  small  island  whose  chief  ''embraced 
the  captain-general  to  whom  he  gave  three  porcelain  jars  covered  with 
leaves  and  full  of  rice  wine."  ^  Later  when  Pigafetta  and  his  com- 
panions went  ashore,  they  were  treated  to  wine  taken  from  a  large  jar, 
and  when  the  meal  was  served,  ''two  large  porcelain  dishes  were  brought 
in,  one  full  of  rice,  and  the  other  of  pork  with  its  gravy."  2  When 
they  reached  Cebu  (April  7,  1521),  they  were  informed  by  the  king 
that  they  were  welcome  "but  that  it  was  their  custom  for  all  ships  which 
entered  their  ports  to  pay  tribute,  and  that  it  was  but  four  days  since 
a  junk  from  Ciama  {i.  e.  Siam)  laden  with  gold  and  slaves  had  paid 
tribute."  The  tribute  was  refused  but  friendly  relations  were  estab- 
lished, whereupon  the  king  "had  refreshments  of  many  dishes,  all 
made  of  meat  and  contained  in  porcelain  platters,  besides  many  jars 
of  wine  brought  in."  ^ 

When  Pigafetta  visited  the  king  of  Zubu  (Cebu),  he  found  him 
"seated  on  a  palm  mat  on  the  ground,  with  only  a  cotton  cloth  before 
his  privies.  .  .  From  another  mat  on  the  ground  he  was  eating 
turtle  eggs  which  were  in  two  porcelain  dishes,  and  he  had  four  jars 
of  palm  wine  in  front  of  him  covered  with  sweet  smelling  herbs  and 
arranged  with  four  small  reeds  in  each  jar  by  which  means  he  drank.  "^ 

Later  they  were  conducted  to  the  house  of  the  prince  "where  four 
young  girls  were  playing,  one  on  a  drum  like  ours,  but  resting  on  the 
ground;  the  second  was  striking  two  suspended  gongs  alternately  with 
a  stick  wrapped  somewhat  thickly  at  the  end  with  palm  cloth;  the 
third,  one  large  gong  in  the  same  manner;  and  the  last,  two  small 
gongs  held  in  her  hand,  by  striking  one  against  the  other,  which  gave 
forth  a  sweet  sound.  .  .  These  gongs  are  made  of  brass  and  are 
manufactured  in  the  regions  about  the  Signio  Magno  which  is  called 
China."  ^    After  the  death  of  Magellan,  the  fleet  sailed  to  the  south 

1  Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  XXXIII,  p.  15. 

2  Ihid.,  p.  119. 

3  Ihid.,  p.  139. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  149.  This  is  still  the  method  of  drinking  in  Mindanao  (compare 
PL  I). 

5  Blair  and  Robertson,  (Pigafetta)  Vol.  XXXIII,  pp.  149-15 1. 


4       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

until  they  reached  Mindanao.  There  they  made  peace  with  the  king, 
and  Pigafetta  went  ashore  with  the  ruler,  in  order  to  see  the  island.  He 
describes  the  country,  people,  their  customs  and  foods,  and  did  not  fail 
to  note  that  "in  the  house  were  hanging  a  number  of  porcelain  jars 
and  four  metal  gongs."  ^  Here  they  also  learned  more  of  the  large 
island  of  ''Lozon"  (Luzon)  lying  to  the  northwest,  ''where  six  or  eight 
junks  belonging  to  the  Lequian  (Liukiu)  people  go  yearly."  ^  Pro- 
ceeding further  to  the  south,  they  encountered  the  island  of  Borneo 
where  they  found  many  evidences  of  an  advanced  civilization  and  an 
active  trade  with  neighboring  countries.  Here  they  saw  beautiful 
porcelain  jars,  cups  and  dishes,  silks  and  carpets.  ^ 

The  chronicles  of  succeeding  expeditions  left  many  references  to 
Chinese  articles  and  trade.^  In  the  account  of  Loaisa's  Expedition, 
we  are  told  of  the  Island  of  Bendenao  (Mindanao)  where  two  junks 
from  China  come  each  year  for  purposes  of  trade.  ''  North  of  Bendanao 
is  Cebu,  and  according  to  the  natives  it  also  contains  gold,  for  which 
the  Chinese  come  to  trade  each  year."  ^  Again  in  1543,  Alvarado  says 
of  Mindanao:  ''Upon  capturing  this  island  we  found  a  quantity  of 
porcelain  and  some  bells.  They  are  well  supplied  with  perfumes 
from  the  Chinese  who  come  to  Mindanao  and  the  Philippinas."^ 

The  first  (recorded)  encounter  of  the  Spaniards  with  the  Chinese 
seems  to  have  been  during  a  trip  from  Panay  (May  8th,  1570)  to  Luzon 
and  Manila.  When  off  the  Island  of  Mindoro  they  learned  that  "two 
vessels  from  China,  the  inhabitants  of  which  the  natives  call  Sangleys 
{i.  e.  merchants),  were  in  a  river  near  by."  Salcedo  was  dispatched  to 
reconnoiter  the  ships,  and  to  request  friendship  with  them,  but  the 
Chinese  made  a  warHke  display,  whereupon  they  were  attacked  by  the 
vSpaniards  who  after  a  short  fight  took  possession  of  the  junks.  "The 
soldiers  searched  the  cabins  in  which  the  Chinese  kept  their  most 
valuable  goods,  and  there  they  found  silk,  both  woven  and  in  skeins, 
gold  thread,  musk,  gilded  porcelain  bowls,  pieces  of  cotton  cloth,  gilded 
water  jugs,  and  other  curious  articles,  although  not  in  a  large  quantity 
considering  the  size  of  the  ships.  The  decks  of  the  vessels  were  full  of 
earthen  jars  and  crockery,  large  porcelain  vases,  plates  and  bowls,  and 
some  fine  porcelain  jars  which  they  call  sinoratas:'  ^  They  also  found 
iron,  copper,  steel  and  a  small  quantity  of  wax  which  the  Chinese  had 

^  Ibid.,  p.  205. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  207. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  215. 

*  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  42;  Vol.  II,  p.  72;  Vol.  Ill,  p.  57. 

^  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  II,  pp.  35,  69. 

«  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  74. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  5 

purchased.  From  their  captives  they  learned  that  three  more  Chinese 
boats  were  trading  only  three  leagues  away.  Later,  on  crossing  to 
Luzon,  at  a  point  near  the  town  of  Balayan,  they  found  that  two  Chinese 
ships  had  just  been  trading  there,  and  that  in  a  quarrel  two  Chinamen 
had  been  made  captives  and  others  had  been  killed.  Proceeding  to 
Manila  bay,  the  Spaniards  found  four  Chinese  vessels,  with  earthenware 
jars  and  porcelains,  trading.  In  the  city  they  learned  that  forty  Chinese 
and  twenty  Japanese  were  regular  residents  there.  Friendly  relations 
appeared  to  have  been  established  when  the  Moro  raja  treacherously 
attacked  the  Spaniards.  In  return  the  Spaniards  burned  a  part  of  the 
city,  in  the  ruins  of  which  they  found  many  objects  of  porcelain. 

After  the  Spaniards  had  become  established  in  Manila,  the  trade 
with  China  steadily  increased,  ^  not  only  in  that  city  but  in  other  ports 
of  the  Islands.  At  first  the  articles  dealt  in  were  of  little  value  to  the 
Spaniards,  for  "they  brought  some  trifle,  although  but  a  small  quantity, 
as  the  natives  with  whom  they  come  principally  to  trade  commonly 
use,  and  for  them  are  brought  only  large  earthen  jars,  common  crockery, 
iron,  copper,  tin  and  other  things  of  that  kind.  For  the  chiefs,  they 
brought  a  few  pieces  of  silk  and  fine  porcelain."  ^  Of  such  little  use 
were  these  articles  to  the  newcomers  that  it  was  proposed,  in  1574,  to 
stop  the  trade.  ^  However,  the  Chinese  were  quick  to  accommodate 
themselves  to  the  new  conditions,  and  we  soon  find  them  supplying 
many  articles,  such  as  "sugar,  barley,  wheat,  and  barley  flour,  nuts, 
raisins,  pears,  and  oranges;  silks,  choice  porcelains  and  iron;  and  other 
small  things  which  we  lacked  in  this  land  before  their  arrival."  ^  Each 
year  this  trade  increased  until  the  number  of  the  traders  was  in  the 
thousands,  and  the  Spaniards  became  dependent  upon  them  for  their 
sustenance.  Even  the  natives  relied  on  this  trade  to  such  an  extent 
that  the  old  industries  languished  and  the  colony  became  each  day  less 
able  to  support  itself.  However,  in  addition  to  the  foodstuffs  which  the 
colony  needed  they  brought  silks  and  other  articles  which  entered  into 
direct  competition  with  the  products  of  the  mother  country,  and  this 
resulted  in  the  royal  decree  of  1586,  which  prohibited  all  such  trade.  ^ 
This  edict  failed  of  its  purpose,  and  in  hopes  of  devising  a  plan  whereby 
the  competition  would  be  eliminated,  the  outflow  of  gold  to  China  be 
stopped,  and  the  return  of  the  natives  to  their  old  pursuits  be  accom- 
plished,   a  meeting  was  called,  and  leading  Filipino  were  summoned 

1  Ibid.,  pp.  167,  172,  181,  225. 

2  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  II,  p.  238;  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  243-5. 
^  Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  226,  note. 

*  Letters  of  Lavezaris,  Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  276. 

^  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  28,  29,  90,  150,  283,  286. 


6       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

to  give  evidence  under  oath  concerning  the  extent  and  nature  of  Chinese 
trade.  It  was  believed  that  if  trade  in  Chinese  cloth  and  the  like  could 
be  stopped,  the  natives  and  Chinese  would  continue  to  trade  without 
using  money;  ''for  if  they  should  wish  to  barter  in  the  Islands — which 
is  not  forbidden  them  —  they  can  and  will  obtain  goods  as  they  formerly 
did,  in  exchange  for  such  articles  as  siguey  (a  small  white  snail),  dye 
wood,  and  carabao  horns;  to  this  mode  of  trading  the  Chinese  will 
adapt  themselves  and  the  outflow  of  money  will  cease."  ^  The  nine 
Filipino  chiefs,  from  villages  near  Manila,  agreed  that  before  the 
Spaniards  came  to  the  Islands  the  people  raised  cotton,  which  they 
made  into  cloth  for  their  own  garments  and  did  not  depend  on  the 
Chinese,  ''for  although  one  or  two  ships  came  from  China  each  year 
at  that  time,  these  brought  no  cloths  or  silks,  but  only  iron  and  earthen- 
ware and  camanguian,  ^  while  since  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  often 
twenty  or  thirty  ships  come  each  year."  ^ 

The  inquiry  was  without  result,  and  the  Chinese  increased  in 
numbers  and  power  until  1596,  when  about  twelve  thousand  were 
expelled  from  the  Islands.^  Despite  hostile  laws  and  massacres,  they 
continued  to  increase  and  spread  out  over  the  Islands  throughout  the 
time  of  Spanish  rule,  and  to-day  they  dominate  the  trade  with  the 
natives  of  the  Archipelago.  The  commerce  with  the  Spaniards,  whom 
the  civiHzed  natives  imitated,  was  so  much  more  lucrative  than  that 
previously  carried  on  with  the  various  villages  that  the  old  trade  in 
pottery  and  the  Hke  seems  practically  to  have  ceased.  Despite  the 
constant  references  of  the  early  writers  to  the  Chinese  and  their  trade 
the  importation  of  earthenware  and  common  glazed  pottery  seems  not 
to  have  been  mentioned  after  about  the  year  1600. 

While  the  greater  part  of  the  Chinese  wares  doubtless  entered  the 
Islands  through  direct  trade,  a  considerable  amount  came  in  through 
trade  with  "Borneo,  Maluco,  Malacca,  Sian,  Camboja,  Japan  and 
other  districts."  *  "A  few  years  before  the  Spaniards  subdued  the 
Island  of  Luzon,  certain  natives  of  Borneo  began  to  go  thither  to  trade, 
especially  to  the  settlements  of  Manila  and  Tondo;  and  the  inhabitants 
of  one  island  intermarried  with  those  of  the  other."  ^  "The  cargoes  of 
these  traders  consisted  of  fine  and  well  made  palm  mats,  a  few  slaves 
for  the  natives,  sago,  and  tibors:  large  and  small  jars,  glazed  black  and 
very  fine,  which  are  of  great  service  and  use."  ^     Legaspi  tells  of  captur- 

^  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  82-84. 
^  Incense. 


Blair  and  Robertson,  (Morga).    Vol.  IX,  p.  266. 
Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  29 
:ari,  Wandering  in  the  Great  Forests  o 
5  Morga,  Ihid.,  Vol.  XVI,  pp.  134,  185. 


4  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  298;  Vol.  V,  pp.  7^,  los;  Vol  XVI  o   176' 
Beccari,  Wandering  in  the  Great  Forests  of  Borneo.  voi.  ^Vi,  p.  17&, 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  7 

ing,  near  Butuan,  a  junk  whose  crew  were  Borneo  Moors.  They  had 
with  them  silk,  cotton,  porcelain  and  the  like.  They  also  traded  in 
bells,  copper  and  other  Chinese  goods. ^ 

Inter-island  trade  among  the  Filipino  seems  to  have  reached  con- 
siderable proportions  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  white  man.  Some  of 
their  trips  carried  them  to  the  ports  of  Borneo,  and  one  account  credits 
the  Tagalog  and  Pampango  with  sailing  "for  purposes  of  trade  to 
Maluco,  Malaca,  Hanzian  (Achen?),  Parani,  Brunei,  and  other  king- 
doms." 2  Pigafetta  tells  of  their  party  seizing  a  junk  in  the  port  of 
Borneo  in  which  "was  a  son  of  the  king  of  Luzon,  a  very  large  island."  ^ 
In  1565,  Legaspi  learned  that  two  Moro  junks  from  Luzon  were  in 
Butuan  trading  gold,  wax,  and  slaves. 

These  Moro  from  Luzon  also  came  to  Cebu  to  arrange  with  Legaspi 
for  the  right  to  trade,  and  when  they  met  with  success,  two  junks  from 
Mindoro  were  induced  to  go  there  also.  "They  carried  iron,  tin,  porce- 
lain, shawls,  light  woolen  cloth  and  the  like  from  China."  ^ 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  pottery  and  other  articles  of  Chinese  origin 
might  have  had  a  rapid  spread  along  the  coasts  of  the  Archipelago, 
from  whence  they  slowly  penetrated  into  the  interior  by  means  of 
trade.^  It  seems,  however,  that  even  upon  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards, 
some  of  this  ware  had  assumed  great  value  in  the  eyes  of  the  natives, 
and  in  1574  we  find  the  native  chiefs  sending  "jewels,  gold,  silks,  porce- 
lains, rich  and  large  earthen  jars,  and  other  very  excellent  things"  in 
token  of  their  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Spain.^  It  was  also  the  custom 
at  that  time  for  the  family  of  the  deceased  to  bury  with  the  body  "their 
finest  clothes,  porcelain  ware,  and  gold  jewels,"  ^  and  when  this  became 
known  to  the  Spaniards  they  began  to  rifle  the  graves  in  order  to  secure 
these  valuable  objects.  This  continued  until  it  became  necessary  for 
Legaspi  to  order  that  "henceforth  no  grave  or  burial  place  be  opened 
without  the  permission  of  his  Excellency."  ^ 

There  is  some  evidence  that  burial  in  jars  was  early  practiced  in  the 
Philippines.  Aduarte,  writing  in  1640,  describes  the  finding,  by  a 
crew  shipwrecked  on  the  Batannes  islands,  of  "some  jars  of  moderate 
size  covered  with  others  of  similar  size.     Inside  they  found  some  dead 

1  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  II,  p.  207;  Vol.  Ill,  p.  57,  note;  Vol.  XXXIV, 
p.  224;  Barrows,  History  of  the  Philippines,  pp.  99-101. 

2  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XXXIV,  p.  377. 

3  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  265. 

^  Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  pp.  117,  142. 

5  Ibid.,  Vol.  V,  121;  Barrows,  History  of  the  Philippines,  p.  182. 
'   ^  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  249;  Vol.  IV,  p.  290. 
T  Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  p.  139. 
^  Ibid.,  Vol.  U,  p.  173. 


8       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

bodies  dried,  and  nothing  else.''^  Dr.  Merton  Miller  of  the  Philip- 
pine Bureau  of  Science  recently  opened  a  number  of  mounds  found  on 
the  Island  of  Camiguin  lying  north  of  Luzon.  In  them  he  found  jars 
placed  one  over  the  other,  in  the  manner  just  described,  and  containing 
some  human  bones  as  well  as  a  few  beads.^  Mr.  Emerson  Christy,  also 
of  the  PhiHppine  Bureau  of  Science,  while  exploring  ancient  burial  caves 
in  the  Subuanan  district  of  Mindanao,  found  a  number  of  large  Chinese 
jars,  some  containing  human  bones  and  accompanied  by  agate  beads. 
Fragments  of  large  jars  were  also  found  in  the  burial  cave  of  Pokanin 
in  Southern  Mindoro  ^  (compare  PL  II).  Dr.  Fletcher  Gardner, 
who  first  visited  the  place,  described  the  cave  as  follows:  ^ 

"It  is  situated  about  half  way  between  the  towns  of  Bulalacao  and 
Mansalay  in  Southern  Mindoro.  It  is  on  the  seaward  face  of  a  cliif 
about  500  feet  high  and  200  yards  wide  and  is  about  200  feet 
above  high  water  mark.  In  the  summer  of  1904,  while  hunting  for 
guano,  I  accidentally  discovered  this  cave  and  procured  the  skulls  and 
other  bones  which  I  am  sending  you.  The  nearest  inhabitants,  who 
live  within  half  a  mile  of  the  cave  at  the  little  sitio  of  Hampangan  Mang- 
yans,  have  known  that  these  remains  were  there  but  deny  that  the  bones 
are  those  of  their  ancestors.  As  two  or  three  members  of  the  sitio 
assisted  me  in  procuring  and  carrying  away  the  bones  I  am  satisfied 
that  they  believe  the  statement  to  be  true,  but  as  will  be  seen  from  the 
remains  of  basketry  and  fabrics  enclosed  with  the  bones  these  products 
are  practically  the  same  as  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  sitio  above 
mentioned.  I  believe  that  during  the  great  Moro  raid  of  1754  when 
seventy-five  slaves  were  taken  from  Manol  and  Mansalay  the  Mangyan 
at  that  time  inhabiting  the  neighborhood  were  driven  into  the  interior 
and  abandoned  this  cave  for  burial  purposes.  .  .  The  bones  were 
covered  with  about  three  inches  of  dust  and  nitrous  earth,  which  argues 
a  very  long  time  without  disturbance . " 

From  this  evidence  it  seems  not  at  all  unlikely  that  jar  burial  may 
have  been  practiced  by  the  FiHpino,  especially  those  in  direct  trade 
relations  with  Borneo,  in  which  country  such  burials  are  common.^ 
In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  Dr.  Hirth  beHeves  jar 
burial  to  have  been  introduced  into  Borneo  by  the  Chinese  traders  from 
Fukien,  and  its  introduction  was  probably  later  than  the  Hf etime  of  Chao 

^1  Aduarte,  Ibid.,  Vol.  XXXI,  p.  115.     Jagor,  Travels  in  the  Philippines,  pp. 

2  Philippine  Journal  of  Science,  Feb.,  191 1,  pp.  1-4. 

3  The  contents  of  this  cave  are  now  in  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History. 
*  Extract  from  letter  to  Field  Museum. 

»  Ling  Roth,  The  Natives  of  Sarawak  and  British  North  Borneo,  Vol  I  00  iso- 
154;  FURNESS,  Home  Life  of  Borneo  Head-hunters,  p.  139.  ' 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  9 

Ju-kua,  in  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century.^  Ancient  remains 
other  than  those  just  cited  are  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  Philippines; 
so  I  shall  quote  somewhat  at  length  the  very  interesting  account,  given 
by  Jagor,  of  excavations  in  Ambos  Camarines,  Luzon. 

''  In  185 1 ,  during  the  construction  of  a  road  a  little  beyond  Libmanan, 
at  a  place  called  Poro,  a  bed  of  shells  was  dug  up  under  four  feet  of 
mould,  one  hundred  feet  distant  from  the  river.  It  consisted  of  Cyrenae 
(C.  suborbicularis,  Busch.),  a  species  of  bivalve  belonging  to  the  family 
of  Cyclades  which  occurs  only  in  warm  waters,  and  is  extraordinarily 
abundant  in  the  brackish  waters  of  the  PhiHppines.  On  the  same 
occasion,  at  the  depth  of  from  one  and  a  half  to  three  and  a  half  feet, 
were  found  numerous  remains  of  the  early  inhabitants,  skulls,  ribs,  bones 
of  men  and  animals,  a  child's  thigh-bone  inserted  in  a  spiral  of  brass 
wire,  several  stags'  horns,  beautifully  formed  dishes  and  vessels,  some 
of  them  painted,  probably  of  Chinese  origin;  striped  bracelets,  of  a 
soft,  gypseous,  copper-red  rock,  glancing  as  if  they  were  varnished;  small 
copper  knives,  but  no  iron  utensils;  and  several  broad  flat  stones  bored 
through  the  middle;  besides  a  wedge  of  petrified  wood,  embedded  in  a 
cleft  branch  of  a  tree.  The  place,  which  to  this  day  may  be  easily 
recognized  in  a  hollow,  might,  by  excavation  systematically  carried  on, 
yield  many  more  interesting  results.  What  was  not  immediately 
useful  was  then  and  there  destroyed,  and  the  remainder  dispersed.  In 
spite  of  every  endeavor,  I  could  obtain,  through  the  kindness  of  Sefior 
Focinos  in  Naga,  only  one  small  vessel.  Similar  remains  of  more 
primitive  inhabitants  have  been  found  at  the  mouth  of  the  Bigajo,  not 
far  from  Libmanan,  in  a  shell-bed  of  the  same  kind ;  and  an  urn,  with  a 
human  skeleton,  was  found  at  the  mouth  of  the  Perlos,  west  of  Sitio  de 
Poro,  in  1840. 

**Mr.  W.  A.  Franks,  who  had  the  kindness  to  examine  the  vessel, 
inclines  to  the  opinion  that  it  is  Chinese,  and  pronounces  it  to  be  of 
very  great  antiquity,  without,  however,  being  able  to  determine  its  age 
more  exactly;  and  a  learned  Chinese  of  the  Burlingame  Embassy  ex- 
pressed himself  to  the  same  effect.  He  knew  only  of  one  article,  now 
in  the  British  Museum,  which  was  brought  from  Japan  by  Kaempfer, 
the  color,  glazing  and  cracks  in  the  glazing  of  which  (craqueles)  cor- 
respond precisely  with  mine.^    According  to  Kaempfer,  the  Japanese 

1  F.  HiRTH,  Ancient  Chinese  Porcelain  (Journal  of  the  China  Branch  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society,  Vol.  XXII,  N.  S.,  pp.  181-3,  1888). 

2  Referring  to  this  paragraph  Dr.  C.  H.  Read  of  the  British  Museum  says:  "There 
must  be  some  mistake  in  Jagor 's  book.  No  such  jar  given  by  Kaempfer  is  in  the 
Museum,  and  I  cannot  understand  my  predecessor,  Sir.  A.  W.Franks,  making  such 
a  statement.  I  may  mention  that  I  knew  Dr.  Jagor  intimately  and  regard  him  as 
more  than  usually  accurate." 


lo     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

found  similar  vessels  in  the  sea; '  and  they  value  them  very  highly  for 
the  purpose  of  preserving  their  tea  in  them." 

MoRGA  writes:  " On  this  island,  Luzon,  particularly  in  the  provinces 
of  Manilla,  Pampanga,  Pangasinan,  and  Ylocos,  very  ancient  clay 
vessels  of  a  dark  brown  colour  are  found  by  the  natives,  of  a  sorry  ap- 
pearance; some  of  a  middling  size^  and  others  smaller;  marked  with 
characters  and  stamps.  They  are  unable  to  say  either  when  or  where 
they  obtained  them;  but  they  are  no  longer  to  be  acquired,  nor  are  they 
manufactured  in  the  islands.  The  Japanese  prize  them  highly,  for  they 
have  found  that  the  root  of  a  herb  which  they  call  Tscha  (tea),  and 
which  when  drunk  hot  is  considered  as  a  great  delicacy  and  of  medicinal 
efficacy  by  the  kings  and  lords  in  Japan,  cannot  be  effectively  preserved 
except  in  these  vessels;  which  are  so  highly  esteemed  all  over  Japan 
that  they  form  the  most  costly  articles  of  their  showrooms  and  cabinets. 
Indeed,  so  highly  do  they  value  them  that  they  overlay  them  externally 
with  fine  gold  embossed  with  great  skill,  and  enclose  them  in  cases  of 
brocade;  and  some  of  these  vessels  are  valued  at  and  fetch  from  2,000 
tael  to  II  reals.  The  natives  of  these  islands  purchase  them  from  the 
Japanese  at  very  high  rates,  and  take  much  pains  in  the  search  for  them 
on  account  of  their  value,  though  but  few  are  now  found  on  account 
of  the  eagerness  with  which  they  have  been  sought  for. 

"When  Carletti,  in  1597,  went  from  the  Philippines  to  Japan,  all 
the  passengers  on  board  were  examined  carefully,  by  order  of  the 
governor,  and  threatened  with  capital  punishment  if  they  endeavoured 
to  conceal  '  certain  earthen  vessels  which  were  wont  to  be  brought  from 
the  PhiHppines  and  other  islands  of  that  sea,'  as  the  king  wished  to 

^  This  is  not  a  fact  but  a  legend.  Engelbert  Kaempfer  (The  History  of 
Japan,  Glasgow  reprint,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  237)  relates  a  story,  told  him  by  Chinese,  regard- 
ing an  island  Maurigasima  near  Formosa  famous  in  former  ages  for  its  fine  porcelain 
clay.  "The  inhabitants  very  much  inrich'd  themselves  by  this  manufacture,  but 
their  increasing  wealth  gave  birth  to  luxury,  and  contempt  of  religion,  which  in- 
censed the  Gods  to  that  degree,  that  by  an  irrevocable  decree  they  determin'd  to 
sink  the  whole  island."  Then  follows  the  long  story  of  the  virtuous  king  who 
managed  to  escape  the  disaster  miraculously,  and  to  flee  into  the  province  of  Fukien. 
The  island  sank,  and  with  it  all  its  ceramic  treasures.  They  were  subsequently 
taken  up  by  divers  and  sold  to  Chinese  merchants  of  Fukien  who  traded  them  to 
Japan  at  immense  sums.  There  is  consequently  a  double  error  in  the  above  state- 
ment of  Franks:  it  is  not  the  Japanese  who  found  jars  in  the  sea,  nor  does  Kaempfer 
say  that  they  were  celadons  or  similar  to  them;  on  the  contrary,  he  describes  them 
as  "transparent,  exceeding  thin,  of  a  whitish  color,  inclining  to  green,"  which  is 
almost  the  opposite  to  a  celadon.  That  legend,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  not  yet  Been 
traced  to  a  Chinese  source.  Brinkley  (Japan,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  267)  shows  little  under- 
standing of  folklore,  if  he  calls  it  a  foolish  fable;  it  doubtless  ranks  among  the  category 
of  familiar  stories  of  sunken  isles  and  towns  in  Europe.  Brinkley's  explanation  that 
the  story  was  probably  invented  by  some  Japanese  Swift  to  satirise  the  irrational 
value  attached  to  rusty  old  specimens  of  pottery  is  decidedly  untenable,  if  for  no 
other  reason,  because,  according  to  Kaempfer's  statement,  the  legend  is  Chinese 
in  origin.  The  pottery  in  question  is,  in  my  opinion,  Chinese  ware  of  Fukien,  and 
the  legend  emanates  from  the  potters  of  Fukien.     [B.  L.] 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  ii 

buy  them  all.  .  .  'These  vessels  were  worth  as  much  as  5,  6,  and 
even  10,000  scudi  each;  but  they  were  not  permitted  to  demand  for 
them  more  than  one  Giulio  (about  a  half  Paolo).'  In  161 5  Carle tti 
met  with  a  Franciscan  who  was  sent  as  ambassador  from  Japan  to 
Rome,  who  assured  him  that  he  had  seen  130,000  scudi  paid  by  the 
king  of  Japan  for  such  a  vessel ;  and  his  companions  confirmed  the  state- 
ment. Carletti  also  alleges,  as  the  reason  for  the  high  price,  'that  the 
leaf  cia  or  tea,  the  quality  of  which  improves  with  age,  is  preserved 
better  in  those  vessels  than  in  all  others.  The  Japanese  besides  know 
these  vessels  by  certain  characters  and  stamps.  They  are  of  great  age 
and  very  rare,  and  come  only  from  Cambodia,  Siam,  Cochin  China, 
the  Philippines,  and  other  neighbouring  islands.  From  their  external 
appearance  they  would  be  estimated  at  three  or  four  quatrini  (two 
dreier)  .  .  It  is  perfectly  true  that  the  king  and  the  princes  of 
that  kingdom  possess  a  very  large  number  of  these  vessels,  and  prize 
them  as  their  most  valuable  treasure  and  above  all  other  rarities  .  .  . 
and  that  they  boast  of  their  acquisitions,  and  from  motives  of  vanity 
strive  to  outvie  one  another  in  the  multitude  of  pretty  vessels  which 
they  possess.' 

''Many  travellers  mention  vessels  found  likewise  amongst  the 
Dyaks  and  the  Malays  in  Borneo,  which,  from  superstitious  motives, 
were  estimated  at  most  exaggerated  figures,  amounting  sometimes  to 
many  thousand  dollars. 

"St.  John  relates  that  the  Datu  of  Tamparuli  (Borneo)  gave  rice 
to  the  value  of  almost  £700  for  a  jar,  and  that  he  possessed  a  second  jar 
of  almost  fabulous  value,  which  was  about  two  feet  high,  and  of  a  dark 
olive  green.  The  Datu  fills  both  jars  with  water,  which,  after  adding 
plants  and  flowers  to  it,  he  dispenses  to  all  the  sick  persons  in  the  coun- 
try. But  the  most  famous  jar  in  Borneo  is  that  of  the  Sultan  of  Brunei, 
which  not  only  possesses  all  the  valuable  properties  of  the  other  jars 
but  can  also  speak.  St.  John  did  not  see  it,  as  it  is  always  kept  in  the 
women's  apartment ;  but  the  sultan,  a  credible  man,  related  to  him  that 
the  jar  howled  dolefully  the  night  before  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  and 
that  it  emitted  similar  tones  in  the  event  of  impending  misfortunes. 
St.  John  is  inclined  to  explain  the  mysterious  phenomenon  by  a  prob- 
ably peculiar  form  of  the  mouth  of  the  vessel,  in  passing  over  which  the 
air-draught  is  thrown  into  resonant  verberations,  like  the  Aeolian  harp. 
The  vessel  is  generally  enveloped  in  gold  brocade,  and  is  uncovered  only 
when  it  is  to  be  consulted;  and  hence,  of  course,  it  happens  that  it  speaks 
only  on  solemn  occasions.  St.  John  states  further  that  the  Bisayans 
used  formerly  to  bring  presents  to  the  sultan;  in  recognition  of  which 
they  received  some  water  from  the  sacred  jar  to  sprinkle  over  their  fields 


12     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

and  thereby  ensure  plentiful  harvests.  When  the  sultan  was  asked 
whether  he  would  sell  his  jar  for  £20,000,  he  answered  that  no  offer  in 
the  world  could  tempt  him  to  part  with  it."  ^ 

This  desire  for  old  jars  was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  traders  and 
Japanese,  for  the  tribes  of  the  interior  had  secured  a  great  number  of 
them  at  a  very  early  period,  and  later  when  the  supply  from  the  coast 
had  ceased,  they  began  to  mount  in  value  until  a  man's  wealth  was,  and 
still  is,  largely  reckoned  by  the  number  of  old  jars  in  his  possession 
(compare  PL  III).  As  they  were  handed  down  from  one  generation 
to  another,  they  began  to  gather  to  themselves  stories  of  wondrous 
origin  and  deeds,  until  to-day  certain  jars  have  reputations  which  extend 
far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  tribes  by  which  they  may  be  owned.  While 
among  the  Tinguian  of  Abra,  the  writer  continually  heard  tales  of  a 
wonderful  jar  called  Magsawi  (PI.  IV).  It  was  credited  with  the  ability 
to  talk;  sometimes  went  on  long  journeys  by  itself;  and  was  married  to 
a  female  jar  owned  by  the  Tinguian  of  Ilocos  Norte.  A  small  jar  at 
San  Quintin,  Abra,  was  said  to  be  the  child  of  this  union  and  partook 
of  many  qualities  of  its  parents. ^  The  history  of  this  jar  as  related  by 
its  owner,  Cabildo  of  Domayco,  is  as  follows:  "Magsawi,  my  jar,  when 
it  was  not  yet  broken  talked  softly,  but  now  its  lines  are  broken,  and  the 
low  tones  are  insufficient  for  us  to  understand.  The  jar  was  not  made 
where  the  Chinese  are,  but  belongs  to  the  spirits  or  Kabonlan,  because 
my  father  and  grandfather,  from  whom  I  inherited  it,  said  that  in  the 
first  times  they  (the  Tinguian)  hunted  Magsawi  on  the  mountains  and 
in  the  wooded  hills.  My  ancestors  thought  that  their  dog  had  brought 
a  deer  to  bay  (which  he  was  catching),  and  they  hurried  to  assist  it. 
They  saw  the  jar  and  tried  to  catch  it  but  were  unable;  sometimes  it 
disappeared,  sometimes  it  appeared  again,  and,  because  they  could  not 
catch  it  they  went  again  to  the  wooded  hill  on  their  way  to  their  town. 
Then  they  heard  a  voice  speaking  words  which  they  understood,  but 
they  could  see  no  man.  The  words  it  spoke  were:  'You  secure  a  pig, 
a  sow  without  young,  and  take  its  blood,  so  that  you  may  catch  the  jar 
which  your  dog  pursued.'  They  obeyed  and  went  to  secure  the 
blood.  The  dog  again  brought  to  bay  the  jar  which  belonged  to  Kabon- 
lan (a  spirit).     They  plainly  saw  the  jar  go  through  a  hole  in  the  rock 

1  JAGOR,  Travels  in  the  Philippines,  p.  162.  In  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  Vol.  I, 
1869,  pp.  80-82,  jAGOR  describes  an  ancient  burial  cave  in  Southern  Samar. 
In  It  were  found  broken  pieces  of  crudely  decorated  pottery  associated  with  human 
remains. 

2  Other  jars  credited  with  the  ability  to  talk  were  seen  by  the  writer,  and  similar 
jars  are  described  by  travelers  in  Borneo.  See  Ling  Roth,  Natives  of  Sarawak  and 
British  N.  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  p.  286;  Hein,  Die  bildenden  Kiinste  bei  den  Dayaks 
auf  Borneo,  p.  139;  also  St.  John,  Life  in  the  Forests  of  the  Far  East.—  The  idea 
of  sex  in  jars  is  widespread  throughout  the  Archipelago. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  13 

which  is  a  cave,  and  there  it  was  cornered  so  that  they  captured  the 
pretty  jar  which  is  MagsawT,  which  I  inherited."  ^ 

Other  jars  of  equal  fame  "were  found  in  caves  in  which  the  spirits 
dwelt,"  or  were  called  into  being  by  supernatural  agencies.  References 
to  these  wonderful  jars  abound  in  the  folktales,  the  following  quotations 
from  which  will  serve  to  show  the  character  of  all.^ 

"Not  long  after  he  started,  and  when  he  arrived  in  the  pasture,  all 
the  jars  went  to  him,  and  all  the  jars  stuck  out  their  tongues;  for  they 
were  very  hungry  and  had  not  been  fed  for  a  long  time.  The  jars  were 
somadag,  ginlasan,  malayo,  and  tadogan,  and  other  kinds  also.^  When 
Aponltolau  thought  that  all  the  jars  had  arrived,  he  fed  them  all  with 
betel-nut  covered  with  lawed  leaves.  As  soon  as  he  fed  them,  he  gave 
them  some  salt.  Not  long  after  this  they  went  to  the  pasture,  and  they 
rode  on  the  back  of  a  carabao.  As  soon  as  they  arrived,  all  the  jars 
rolled  around  them  and  stuck  out  their  tongues,  and  Aponibolinayen 
was  afraid,  for  she  feared  that  the  jars  would  eat  them.  The  wide  field 
was  full  of  jars.  Aponltolau  gave  them  betel-nut  and  lawed  wine  and 
salt.  As  soon  as  they  fed  them,  they  went  back  home."  (Extract 
from  the  tale  about  Gimbangonan.) 

"And  they  took  many  things  to  be  used  at  the  wedding.  So  they 
agreed  on  the  marriage  price,  and  Bangan  and  his  wife  said,  the  price 
must  be  the  halaua  *  nine  times  full  of  dijfferent  kinds  of  jars.  As  soon 
as  the  halaua  was  filled  nine  times,  Daluagan  raised  her  eyebrows,  and 
immediately  half  of  the  jars  vanished,  and  Aponibolinayen  used  her 
(magical)  power,  and  the  halaua  was  filled  again,  so  that  it  was  truly 
filled.  When  they  had  danced,  all  the  guests  took  some  jars,  before  they 
went  home."     (From  the  Kanag  tale.) 

"'Now  we  are  going  to  pay  the  marriage  price  according  to  the 
custom,'  said  AponlboHnayen,  'our  custom  is  to  fill  the  halaua  nine 
times  with  different  kinds  of  jars.'  So  AponlboHnayen  said  'Ala,  you 
Alan^  who  live  in  the  different  springs,  and  Bananayo^  oi  Kadanan 

1  Similar  stories  of  jars  turning  to  animals  and  vice  versa  are  encountered  in  the 
Southern  Philippines  and  in  Borneo.  See  Ling  Roth,  Natives  of  Sarawak  and 
British  North  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  p.  CLXXVI;  Hein,  Die  bildenden  Kunste  bei  den 
Dayaks  auf  Borneo,  pp.  132-134. 

2  The  following  are  extracts  from  Tinguian  folktales.  During  the  dry  season 
bonfires  are  built  in  various  parts  of  the  village  and  around  them  the  men  and 
women  gather,  the  former  to  make  fishnets,  the  latter  to  spin.  Meanwhile  some  good 
story-teller  chants  these  tales. 

»  Each  type  of  jar  has  its  particular  name. 

*  A  small  spirit  house  built  during  a  certain  ceremony. 

5  Lesser  spirits. 


14     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

and  you  Liblibayan,  ^  go  and  get  the  jars  which  Kanag  must  pay  as  the 
price  for  Dapilisan.'  As  soon  as  she  commanded  them,  they  went  and 
filled  the  balaua  nine  times."     (Tale  of  Dumalawf.) 

"So  they  danced  and  the  big  jars  which  she  had  hung  about  her 
neck  made  a  noise,  and  the  earth  shook  when  she  moved  her  body. 
The  people  did  not  agree,  and  they  said:  'Five  times  full,  if  you  do 
not  have  that  many  (jars)  he  may  not  marry  AponlboHnayen.'  He 
was  so  anxious  to  marry  her  that  he  told  his  parents  to  agree  to  what 
they  said.  As  soon  as  they  agreed,  Langaan  used  magic  so  that  all  the 
jars  which  the  people  wanted  were  already  in  the  balaua.  The  day 
came  when  they  agreed  to  take  Linggiwan  to  AponlboHnayen,  and  he 
carried  one  jar.  As  soon  as  they  arrived  there,  they  made  the  rice 
ceremony."  ^     (Extracts  from  tale  of  Ginambo  and  Gonigonau.) 

"Soon  after  they  started,  they  met  the  doldolt  (a  jar)  in  the  way. 
'Where  are  you  going,  young  men,'  it  said.  'Where  are  you  going,' 
you  ask;  we  are  going  to  secure  the  perfume  of  Balewan,  for  though  we 
are  still  far  from  it  we  can  smell  it  now.'  The  jar  replied:  'Ala,  young 
men,  you  cannot  go  there,  for  when  anyone  goes  there,  only  his  name 
goes  back  to  his  town,'  {i.  e.  he  dies),  but  the  boy  replied:  'We  are  going 
anyway.  That  is  the  reason  we  are  already  far  from  home,  and  it  is 
the  thing  which  the  pretty  maiden  desires.'  'If  you  say  that  you  are 
going  anyway,  you  will  repent  when  you  reach  there.'  So  they  left 
the  jar  and  walked  on."     (From  Balewan  tale.) 

"The  food  was  of  thirty  different  kinds,  and  they  were  ashamed 
to  be  in  the  house  of  Ilwi'san  which  had  in  it  many  valuable  jars,  for  the 
Alan  (spirit)  had  given  them  to  him."     (AponlboHnayen  tale.) 

Great  prices  are  offered  and  sometimes  paid  for  the  more  renowned 
jars,  and  successful  war  parties  are  accustomed  to  return  home  with 
numbers  of  such  trophies. 

Every  wild  tribe,  encountered  by  the  writer,  in  the  interior  of  Luzon, 

Palawan  and  Mindanao,  possesses  these  jars  which  enter  intimately 

into  the  life  of  the  people  (PI.  V-VIII).     Among  many  the  price  paid 

by  the  bridegroom  for  his  bride  is  wholly  or  in  part  in  jars  (PI.  IX- 

X).     When  a  Tinguian  youth  is  to  take  his  bride,  he  goes  to  her  house 

at  night,  carrying  with  him  a  Chinese  jar  which  he  presents  to  his 

father-in-law,  and  thereafter  he  may  never  address  his  parents-in-law 

by  name.     The  Hquor  served  at  ceremonies  and  festivals  is  sometimes 

contained  in  these  jars   (PL  XI-XVI),  while  small   porcelain  dishes 

^  Lesser  Spirits. 

■^  This  is  still  the  custom  when  the  groom  finally  claims  the  bride. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  15 

contain  the  food  offered  to  the  spirits.  Porcelain  plates  are  used  by 
the  mediums  when  summoning  the  spirits,  and  having  served  in  such  a 
capacity  are  highly  prized;  so  much  so  that  they  are  never  sold  during 
the  lifetime  of  the  medium,  and  after  her  death  only  to  an  aspirant  for 
mediumship  honors  (PI.  XVII).  When  about  to  call  a  spirit  into 
her  body,  the  medium  sets  herself  in  front  of  the  spirit  mat,  and 
covering  her  face  with  her  hands,  she  trembles  violently,  meanwhile 
chanting  or  wailing  songs  in  which  she  bids  the  spirits  to  come  and 
possess  her  (PI.  XVIII).  From  time  to  time  she  pauses,  and  holding 
a  plate  on  the  finger  tips  of  her  left  hand,  she  strikes  it  with  a  string  of 
sea  shells  or  a  bit  of  lead,  in  order  that  the  bell-like  sound  may  attract 
the  attention  of  the  spirits.  Suddenly  a  spirit  takes  possession  of  her 
body  and  then  as  a  human  the  superior  being  talks  with  mortals  (PL 
XIX). 

In  districts  where  head-hunting  is  still  in  vogue,  a  Chinese  jar  is 
readily  accepted  as  payment  in  full  for  a  head,  and  many  feuds  are 
settled  on  this  basis.  In  1907  the  writer  accompanied  a  war  party  from 
Apayao  to  a  hostile  village  several  days'  march  distant.  The  two 
villages  agreed  to  make  peace  on  the  terms  of  one  jar  for  each  head  the 
one  town  held  in  excess  of  the  other,  and  on  this  basis  the  Apayao 
paid  eleven  jars  to  their  erstwhile  enemies. 

Most  tribes  of  the  interior  have  pottery  of  their  own  mantifacture. 
These  generally  bear  distinctive  names  according  to  the  uses  to  which 
they  are  put.  Thus  among  the  Tinguian  a  jar  used  for  greens  or 
vegetables  has  a  definite  name,  while  another  in  which  meat  is  cooked 
has  its  own  designation. 

In  Northern  Luzon  the  women  of  certain  towns  have  acquired  such 
fame  as  potters  that  their  wares  have  a  wide  distribution,  and  the 
industry  has  almost  vanished  from  neighboring  villages. 

The  general  method  employed  by  the  potters  (PI.  XX-XXI)  is 
as  follows:  The  clay  after  being  dampened  is  carefully  kneaded  with 
the  hands,  in  order  to  remove  stones  and  bits  of  gravel.  A  handful  of 
the  tnass  is  taken  up  and  the  bottom  of  the  bowl  roughly  shaped  with 
the  fingers.  This  is  placed  on  a  wooden  dish,  which  in  turn  rests  on  a 
bamboo  rice  winnower  —  forming  a  crude  potter's  wheel.  The  dish  is 
turned  with  the  right  hand  while  the  woman  shapes  the  clay  with  the 
fingers  of  the  left  or  with  a  piece  of  dampened  bark  cloth.  From  time 
to  time  a  coil  of  fresh  clay  is  laid  along  the  top  of  the  vessels  and  is 
worked  in  as  the  wheel  turns.  Further  shaping  is  done  with  a  wooden 
paddle,  after  which  the  jar  is  allowed  to  dry.  In  a  day  or  two  it  is  hard 
enough  to  be  handled,  and  the  operator  then  rubs  it,  inside  and  out,  with 
stone  or  seed  disks,  in  order  to  make  it  perfectly  smooth.     The  jars 


i6     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

are  placed  in  dung  or  other  material  which  will  make  a  slow  fire  and  are 
burned  for  a  night,  after  which  they  are  ready  for  service.^  Some  tribes 
understand  the  art  of  glazing  with  pitch,  but  this  is  not  generally  prac- 
ticed throughout  the  Islands.  These  jars  are  generally  red  in  color, 
and  in  form  quite  distinct  from  those  of  Chinese  manufacture.  They 
are  in  daily  use  and  have  a  value  of  only  a  few  centavos. 

^  The  writer  found  this  process  both  in  Luzon  and  Mindanao.  Dr.  Jenks 
found  a  slightly  different  method  of  production  at  Bontoc  (see  Jenks,  The  Bontoc 
Igorot,  pp.  117-121).  This  process  is  illustrated  by  a  life  sized  group  in  the  Field 
Museum  of  Natural  History.     PI.  XXII. 


POSTSCRIPT 
By  Berthold  Laufer 

At  the  request  of  Mr.  Cole  I  take  the  liberty  to  append  a  few  notes 
on  the  subject  of  Chinese  pottery  in  the  PhiHppine  Islands.  From 
the  very  interesting  information  furnished  by  Mr.  Cole  on  the  subject, 
it  becomes  evident  that  two  well-defined  periods  in  the  trade  of  Chinese 
pottery  to  the  Islands  must  be  distinguished.  The  one  is  constituted 
by  the  burial  pottery  discovered  in  caves,  the  other  is  marked  by  the 
numerous  specimens  still  found  in  the  possession  of  families  and, 
according  to  tradition,  transmitted  as  heirlooms  through  many  genera- 
tions. Let  us  state  at  the  outset  that  from  the  viewpoint  of  the  Chinese 
field  of  research  a  plausible  guess  may  be  hazarded  as  to  what  these 
two  periods  are, —  the  mortuary  finds  roughly  corresponding  to  the 
period  of  the  Chinese  Sung  dynasty  (960-1278  a.  d.),  and  the  surface 
finds  to  that  of  the  Ming  dynasty  (1368-1643).^  By  this  division  in 
time  I  do  not  mean  to  draw  a  hard  and  fast  line  for  the  classification  of 
this  pottery,  but  merely  to  lay  down  a  working  hypothesis  as  the  basis 
from  which  to  attack  the  problem  that  will  remain  for  future  investiga- 
tion. There  is  the  possibility  also  that  -early  Ming  pieces  are  to  be 
found  in  the  graves  or  caves  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  existence  of 
Sung  and  After-Ming  specimens,  say  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries,  in  the  hands  of  the  natives  will  no  doubt  be  established  with 
the  advance  of  search  and  research.  But  these  two  cases,  if  they  will 
prove,  will  surely  remain  the  exceptions,  while  the  formula  as  expressed 
above  carries  the  calculation  of  the  greatest  probability. 

It  is  well  known  that  during  the  middle  ages  a  lively  export  trade  in 
pottery  took  place  from  China  into  the  regions  of  the  Malayan  Archi- 
pelago, India,  Persia,  Egypt,  the  east  coast  of  Africa,  and  Morocco. 
Quite  a  number  of  ancient  specimens  of  China  ware  have  been  discovered 
in  all  those  countries  and  wandered  into  collections  of  Europe.  The 
curiosity  of  investigators  was  early  stimiilated  in  this  subject,  and  to 
A.  B.  Meyer,  Karabacek,  Hirth,  A.  R.  Hein,  F.  Brinkley  and  others, 
we  owe  contributions  to  this  question  from  the  ceramic  and  trade- 

^  Certainly  I  have  here  in  mind  only  those  specimens  prized  by  the  natives  as 
heirlooms  and  looked  upon  by  them  as  old.  There  is  assuredly  any  quantity  of 
modern  Chinese  crockery  and  porcelain  spread  over  the  Philippines,  which,  however, 
is  of  no  account  and  not  the  object  of  legends  and  worship  on  the  part  of  the  natives. 

17 


i8     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

historical  standpoint,  while  active  explorers,  particularly  on  Borneo, 
have  brought  to  light  considerable  material  in  the  way  of  specimens. 
For  the  Philippines,  Httle  had  been  done  in  this  direction,  and  it  is  the 
merit  of  Mr.  Cole  to  render  accessible  to  students  a  representative 
collection  of  that  pottery  which  may  be  designated  as  ''second  period," 
and  which  is  of  the  highest  interest  as  palpable  evidence  of  the  inter- 
course between  China  and  the  PhiHppines  during  the  Ming  period. 

The  estabhshment  of  the  two  periods  is  reflected  also  in  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  Malayan  tribes.  Mr.  .Cole  (p.  12)  relates  that  the  Magsawt 
jar  was  not  made  where  the  Chinese  are,  but  belongs  to  the  spirits  or 
Kabonian.  There  are  other  jars  clearly  recognized  as  Chinese  by  the 
natives.  In  regard  to  the  latter,  the  tradition  is  still  alive;  the  former 
are  of  a  more  considerable  age  or  were  made  in  a  period,  the  wares  of 
which  could  no  more  be  supplied  by  the  Chinese,  so  that  the  belief 
could  gain  ground  that  they  had  never  been  made  by  the  Chinese,  but 
by  the  spirits.  Among  the  Dayak  of  Borneo,  this  state  of  affairs  is 
still  more  conspicuous.  There,  the  oldest  jars  have  been  connected 
with  solar  and  lunar  mythology.  Mahatara,  the  supreme  god,  piled 
up  on  Java  seven  mountains  from  the  loam  which  was  left  after  the 
creation  of  sun,  moon  and  earth.  Ratu  Tjampu,  of  divine  origin,  used 
the  clay  of  these  mountains  to  make  a  great  number  of  djawet  (sacred 
jars)  which  he  kept  and  carefully  guarded  in  a  cave.  One  day  when 
his  watch  was  interrupted,  the  jars  transformed  themselves  into  animals 
(compare  Cole,  pp.  12,  13)  and  escaped.'  When  a  fortunate  hunter  kills 
such  garne  it  changes  again  into  a  jar,  which  becomes  the  trophy  of  the 
hunter  favored  by  the  gods.  According  to  another  tradition,  the  god 
of  the  moon,  Kadjanka,  taught  the  son  of  a  Javanese  ruler.  Raja  Pahit, 
to  form  jars  out  of  the  clay  with  which  Mahatara  had  made  sun  and 
moon;  all  these  jars  fled  to  Borneo,  where  they  still  are.^  I  do  not 
beheve  that  these  traditions  point  to  Java  as  a  place  from  which  pottery 
found  its  way  to  Borneo;  Java  has  merely  become  a  symbol  for  the 
mysterious  unknown.  This  mythical  pottery  attributed  to  the  action 
of  gods,  it  seems  to  me,  is  to  be  identified  with  Chinese  pottery  of  the 
Sung  period,  while  that  accompanied  by  mere  narrative  traditions 
seems  to  correspond  to  that  of  the  Ming  period.  This  sequence  of 
myth  and  plain  story  has  its  foundation  in  long  intervals  of  time  and 
in  many  changes  as  to  the  kinds  and  grades  of  pottery  introduced  from 

1  A.  R.  Hein,  Die  bildenden  Kiinste  bei  den  Dayaks  auf  Borneo,  p.  134  (Wien, 
1894),  and  F.  S.  Grabowsky,  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  Vol.  XVII,  1885,  pp.  121- 
123.  Grabowsky  is  of  the  opinion  that  Perelaer,  to  whom  the  second  tradition  is 
due,  can  never  have  heard  it  from  the  lips  of  a  Dayak,  but  simply  ascribed  to  them 
this  tradition  originating  from  Java. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery. 


19 


China.  This  does  not  mean  that  a  piece  ascribed  to  the  spirits  will 
necessarily  be  a  Sung,  and  one  credited  with  a  tale  always  a  Ming,  for 
interchanges,  adjustments  and  confusions  of  traditions  are  constantly 
at  operation. 

As  no  material  regarding  the  earlier  period  of  burial  pottery  (except 
a  small  fragment)  exists  in  the  Field  Museum,  I  must  be  content  with 
a  few  suggestive  remarks  regarding  the  latter.  Chinese-Philippine 
trade  must  have  existed  early  in  the  thirteenth,  and  very  likely  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  twelfth  century,  as  I  tried  to  establish  on  a  former 
occasion,^  chiefly  guided  by  the  accounts  of  a  Chinese  author,  Chao 
Ju-kua,  who  around  1220  wrote  a  most  valuable  record  of  the  foreign 
nations  then  trading  with  China.  His  work  has  been  translated  and 
profusely  commented  on  by  Prof.  Hirth.^  Chao  Ju-kua  mentions  three 
times  the  export  of  porcelain,  by  which  also  pottery  not  being  porcelain 
must  be  understood,  in  the  barter  with  the  Philippine  tribes.  Unfortu- 
nately he  does  not  tell  us  of  what  kind,  or  from  which  locality  this 
pottery  was,  but  one  interesting  fact  may  be  gleaned  now  from  a  com- 
parison of  the  Philippine  place-names  known  to  him  with  those  re- 
ported by  Mr.  Cole  as  having  yielded  finds  of  burial  jars.  Dr.  Miller, 
Mr.  Cole  informs  us,  discovered  jars  containing  human  bones  and 
beads  in  mounds  opened  by  him  on  the  Island  of  Camiguin,  lying  north 
of  Luzon.  This  name  is  doubtless  identical  with  Ka-ma-yen  mentioned 
by  Chao  Ju-kua  as  forming  the  "Three  Islands"  with  Pa-lao-yu  (Pala- 
wan?) and  Pa-ki-nung,^  and  he  gives  a  lively  description  of  the  barter 
with  the  Hai-tan  (Aeta)  living  there,  with  the  express  mention  of  porce- 
lain. Fragments  of  large  jars,  says  Mr.  Cole,  were  also  found  in  the 
burial  cave  of  Pokanin  in  southern  Mindoro ;  now  Chao  Ju-kua  describes 
a  country  in  the  north  of  Borneo  which  he  calls  Ma-yi{t)  and  identified 
by  me  with  Mindoro,  the  ancient  name  of  which  was  Mail.  Mindoro, 
where  Spaniards  and  Chinese  met  for  the  first  time  in  1570,  was  an  old  ^ 
stronghold  of  the  latter,  and  probably  at  an  earlier  date  than  Luzon. 
These  coincidences  cannot  be  accidental,  and  must  further  be  taken  in 
connection  with  the  fact  to  which  Mr.  Cole  justly  calls  attention,  that 
jar  burial  may  have  been  practised,  especially  by  those  Filipino  in 
direct  trade  relations  with  Borneo.  It  seems  to  me  that  we  are  bound 
to  assume  an  historical  connection  between  the  two  and  an  influencing 

1  The  Relations  of  the  Chinese  to  the  Philippine  Islands,  p.  252  {Smithsonian 
Miscellaneous  Contributions,  Vol.  L,  Part  2,  1907). 

2  A  complete  translation  of  the  work  jointly  edited  by  Hirth  and  W.  W.  Rockhill 
has  been  printed  by  the  Academy  of  St.  Petersburg  and  is  soon  expected  to  be  out. 

3  See  Hirth,  Chinesische  Studien,  p.  41. 


20     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

of  the  Filipino  by  the  Borneo  custom.^  On  both  sides,  we  encounter 
almost  the  same  kinds  of  Chinese  ceramic  wares,  the  same  veneration 
for  them,  and  a  similar  basis  of  folklore  and  mythology  associated  with 
them,  so  that  the  belief  in  an  interdependence  seems  justifiable.  The 
one  fact  stands  out  clearly:  Chao  Ju-kua,  a  reliable  author  of  the  Sung 
period,  himself  a  member  of  the  imperial  house,  relates  the  export  of 
pottery  to  Borneo  and  the  Philippines  (in  the  case  of  Borneo  also  that 
of  celadons)  at  his  time,  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  a 
trade  which  may  have  set  in  at  a  much  earlier  date.  This  pottery  can 
but  have  been  the  contemporaneous  pottery  of  the  Sung  period,  and  we 
are,  for  this  reason,  entitled  to  look  to  the  Philippines  for  Sung  pottery. 
As  the  pottery  found  in  the  caves  is,  in  all  probability,  older  than  that 
now  possessed  by  the  natives,  there  is  the  greatest  likelihood  of  identi- 
fying this  burial  pottery  with  the  productions  of  the  Sung  period.  The 
investigations  of  the  antiquities  of  the  Philippines  are  in  their  begin- 
nings, and  further  results  and  more  tangible  material  must  be  awaited 
before  definite  verdicts  can  be  arrived  at.  The  pottery  fragments  must 
be  carefully  gathered  and  examined;  it  is  obvious  that  they  will  be  of 
immense  value  in  helping  to  make  out  the  periods  of  these  burial  places. 
The  terminus  a  quo  is  given  by  the  eleventh  century.     The  small  vessel 

^  The  subject  of  jar-burial  remains  one  to  be  investigated.  It  is  still  practised 
in  China  among  the  Buddhist  priesthood  and,  according  to  the  observations  of  W. 
Perceval  Yetts  (Notes  on  the  Disposal  of  Buddhist  Dead  in  China,  Journal  R. 
Asiatic  Society,  191 1,  p.  705),  occurs  throughout  the  region  of  the  Middle  and  Lower 
Yangtse.  The  same  author  informs  us  (p.  707)  that  the  earthenware  tubs  required 
for  this  purpose  resemble  those  commonly  used  for  holding  water  or  for  storage  of 
manure.  "Occasionally  two  ordinary  domestic  tubs  (kang)  joined  mouth  to  mouth 
are  made  to  act  as  a  cofifin,  though  usually  tubs  specially  manufactured  for  funeral 
purposes  are  obtained.  These  are  made  in  pairs,  and  are  so  designed  that  the  rim 
of  the  lid  of  the  uppermost  tub  fits  closely  over  the  rim  of  the  other,  producing 
a  joint  easily  rendered  airtight  by  the  aid  of  cement.  A  pair  thus  joined  together 
forms  a  chamber  resembling  a  barrel  in  shape."  Most  of  these  vessels  are  said  to 
come  from  the  kilns  of  Wu-si  in  Kiangsu  Province.  The  ancient  earthenware 
coffins,  however,  considered  by  Mr.  Yetts  in  this  connection,  must  be  separated  from 
these  burial  jars,  as  they  are  pre-buddhistic  in  origin;  such  a  pottery  coffin  with 
green-glazed  lid  attributed  to  the  T'ang  period,  is  in  the  Chinese  collection  of  the 
Field  Museum.  E.  Boerschmann  (Die  Baukunst  und  religiose  Kultur  der  Chinesen, 
Vol.  I,  P'u  t'o  shan,  p.  175)  states  that  the  cremation  and  preservation  of  Buddhist 
pnests  m  large  urns  of  glazed  pottery  is  generally  practised;  that  in  the  pottery  kilns 
of  all  provmces  such  jars  are  made  up  to  1.50  m  in  height  and  shipped  far  away, 
and  that  a  district  on  the  Siang  River  in  Hunan,  a  Httle  north  of  the  provincial 
capital  Ch'ang-sha,  is  a  well-known  place  for  their  production.  The  jars  are  mostly 
^glazed  brown,  concludes  Boerschmann,  and  adorned  with  reliefs  alluding  to  death, 
e.  g.  two  dragons  surrounding  a  dragon-gate  and  a  pearl  in  the  entrance,  indicating 
Wiat  the  priest  has  passed  the  gate  of  perception  and  reached  the  state  of  perfection. 
This  information  sheds  light  on  the  fact  that  it  was  dragon- jars  which  were  utilized 
on  Borneo  for  purposes  of  burial. 

An  interesting  practice  of  jar-burial  is  revealed  by  Paul  Pelliot  (Le  Fou-nan, 
Bulletin  de  I' Ecole  frangaise  d'  Extreme-Orient,  Vol.  Ill,  1903,  p.  279)  from  a  passage 
in  the  Fu-nan  ki,  written  by  Chu  Chi  in  the  fifth  century  A.  D.  It  relates  to  the 
kingdom  of  Tun-siin,  a  dependance  of  Fu-nan  (Cambodja),  which  seems  to  have 
been  largely  under  the  influence  of  Brahmanic  India.     Over  a  thousand  Brahmans 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  21 

mentioned  by  Jagor  is  most  probably  a  piece  of  celadon  pottery. 
Prof.  Eduard  Seler  has  been  good  enough  to  inform  us  that  it  is  not 
preserved  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  but  he  describes  a  similar  piece  extant 
there,  a  fragment  of  a  plate  or  a  fiat  bowl  found  by  Dr.  Schetelig  in  a 
cave  of  Caramuan,  Luzon,  on  the  Philippines.  "The  material," 
Prof.  Seler  says,  ''is  a  red-burnt  hard  clay  including  small  white  bits 
of  what  is  apparently  calcareous  matter.  The  well-known  salad-green 
glaze  exhibiting  numerous  fine  crackles  covers  the  entire  surface  except 
the  circular  foot.  On  the  lower  face,  the  marks  of  the  potter's  wheel 
are  visible.  On  the  glazed  surface  shallow  grooves  are  radially  ar- 
ranged." This  description,  beyond  any  doubt,  ^refers  to  a  specimen  of 
celadon  pottery  of  the  Sung  period,  and  I  am  especially  interested  in 
the  fact  that  it  is  hard,  red-burnt  stoneware,  and  not  porcelain.  The 
former  authors  always  spoke  of  celadon  porcelains  exclusively,  an 
error  first  refuted  by  Captain  F.  Brinkley,^  who  justly  says  that  all 
the  choice  celadons  of  the  Sung,  Yuan,  and  even  the  Ming  dynasties 
were  stoneware,  showing  considerable  variation  in  respect  to  fineness 
of  pate  and  thinness  of  biscuit,  but  never  becoming  true  translucid 
porcelain.  The  majority  of  celadon  pieces  in  the  Sung  period  seem  to 
have  been  stoneware,  while  the  porcelain  specimens  increase  during  the 

from  India  were  settled  there,  married  to  native  women  and  engaged  in  reading 
their  sacred  books.  When  they  are  sick,  says  the  Chinese  report,  they  make  a  vow 
to  be  buried  by  the  birds;  under  chants  and  dances,  they  are  conducted  outside  of 
the  town,  and  there  are  birds  who  devour  them.  The  remaining  bones  are  calcined 
and  enclosed  in  a  jar  which  is  flung  into  the  sea.  When  they  are  not  eaten  by  the 
birds,  they  are  placed  in  a  basket.  As  regards  burial  by  fire,  it  consists  in  leaping 
into  a  fire.  The  ashes  are  gathered  in  a  vase  which  is  interred,  and  to  which  sacrifices 
are  offered  without  limit  of  time.  The  inference  could  be  drawn  from  this  passage 
that  the  practice  of  burial  in  jars  is  derived  from  India.  "Among  the  tribes  of  the 
Hindukush,"  reports  W.  Crooke  (Things  Indian,  p.  128),  "cremation  used  to  be 
the  common  form  of  burial,  the  ashes  being  collected  in  rude  wooden  boxes  or  in 
earthen  jars  and  buried."  This  was  the  case  also  in  the  funerary  rites  of  ancient 
India  (W.  Caland,  Die  altindischen  Todten-  und  Bestattungsgebrauche,  pp.  104, 
107,  108)  when  the  bones  after  cremation  were  gathered  in  an  urn;  according  to  one 
rite,  the  bones  collected  in  an  earthenware  bowl  were  sprinkled  with  water,  the  bowl 
was  wrapped  up  in  a  dress  made  from  Kuga  grass  and  inserted  in  another  pottery 
vessel  which  was  interred  in  a  forest,  or  near  the  root  of  a  tree  or  in  a  clean  place  in  a 
durable  relic-shrine.  Among  the  Nayars  or  Nairs  of  Malabar,  the  pieces  of  unburnt 
bones  are  placed  in  an  earthen  pot  which  has  been  sun-dried  (not  burnt  by  fire  in  the 
usual  way);  the  pot  is  covered  up  with  a  piece  of  new  cloth,  and  all  following  the 
eldest,  who  carries  it,  proceed  to  the  nearest  river  (it  must  be  running  water),  which 
receives  the  remains  of  the  dead  (E.  Thurston,  Ethnographic  Notes  in  Southern 
India,  p.  215,  Madras,  1906).  The  latter  practice  offers  a  parallel  to  the  burying 
of  the  jar  in  the  sea,  as  related  above  in  regard  to  Tun-siin.  Nowadays,  the  bones 
after  cremation  are  gathered  on  a  gold,  silver,  or  copper  plate  in  Cambodja  (A. 
Leclere,  Cambodge:  La  cremation  et  les  rites  fun^raires,  pp.  76,  82,  Hanoi,  1906). 
On  jar-burial  on  the  Liu-kiu  Islands  compare  the  interesting  article  of  M.  Haber- 
LANDT,  tJber  eine  Graburne  von  den  Liukiu-Inseln  {Mitteilungen  der  Anthropol. 
Gesellschaft  in  Wien,  Vol.  XXIII,  1893,  pp.  39-42);  the  specimen  figured  is  doubtless 
a  Chinese  production  as  used  for  the  burial  of  the  ashes  of  a  Buddhist  monk. 

1  China,  Keramic  Art,  p.  34  (London,  1904). 


2  2     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Ming  epoch.  To  this  conclusion,  at  least,  I  am  prompted  by  a  series 
of  celadons  gathered  by  me  in  China  and  including  specimens  of  the 
Sung,  Ming,  and  K'ien-lung  periods.  It  is  somewhat  a  matter  of  sur- 
prise that  a  larger  number  of  celadons  has  not  been  discovered  on  the 
Philippines.  Judging  from  the  account  of  a  Japanese  writer  on  ceram- 
ics, translated  farther  below,  there  must  have  been  a  large  quantity 
of  this  fine  and  curious  pottery  on  the  Islands  in  former  times,  and  the 
search  of  the  Japanese  for  ceramic  treasures  there  in  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries  was  chiefly  prompted  by  their  craving  for  cela- 
dons. Maybe  the  Japanese  have  taken  hold  of  the  best  specimens, 
maybe  these  are  still  hidden  away  in  solitary  caves  or  untouched  burial 
mounds.  We  hope  that  these  remarks  will  instigate  present  and  future 
explorers  on  the  Islands  to  keep  a  vigilant  watch  on  celadons,  and  to 
pick  up  even  small  fragments,  always  with  exact  statements  of  locahty, 
site,  nature  of  the  find  (underground,  surface,  cave,  mound,  etc.)  and 
traditions  of  the  natives,  if  there  are  any,  because  they  may  be  of  great 
significance.  Everything  relating  to  celadons  is  of  utmost  historical 
importance;  in  almost  every  case,  in  my  opinion  at  least,  it  is  possible 
to  define  the  age  or  period  of  a  piece  of  celadon,  and  also  the  place  of 
its  production,—  China,  Japan,  Korea,  or  Siam.  The  Sung  celadons 
are  inimitable  and  could  never  be  imitated,  and  the  varying  character 
of  this  pottery  through  all  ages  affords  a  most  fortunate  clue  to  chrono- 
logical diagnosis. 

In  glancing  over  the  collection  of  pottery  brought  home  by  Mr. 
Cole,  we  are  struck,  first  of  all,  by  a  certain  uniform  character  of  all 
these  pieces,  if  we  leave  aside  the  three  small  dishes  reproduced  on 
Plate  XVII,  which  in  correspondence  with  their  different  ceramic  char- 
acter enter  also  a  different  phase  of  rehgious  notions.  Only  in  the 
latter  lot  a  single  piece  of  porcelain  is  found  (PI.  XVII,  Fig.  3).  All 
other  specimens  are  characterized  as  stoneware  of  an  exceedingly  hard, 
consistent  and  durable  clayish  substance;  most  of  them  are  high  and 
spacious  jars  of  large  capacity;  all  of  them  are  glazed,  and  well  glazed, 
and  betray  in  the  manner  and  color  of  glazing  as  well  as  in  their  shapes 
and  decorative  designs  a  decidedly  Chinese  origin;  all  of  them  have  a 
concave  unglazed  bottom,  most  of  them  are  provided  with  ears  on  the 
shoulders  for  the  passage  of  a  cord  to  secure  convenient  handhng  and 
carrying;  none  of  them  is  impressed  with  a  seal,  date-mark,  or  inscrip- 
tion of  any  other  kind.  All  of  them  are  the  products  of  solid  workman- 
ship executed  with  care  and  deHberation,  apparently  with  a  side-glance 
at  a  customer  who  knew.  On  the  whole,  two  principal  types  are  dis- 
cernible,— dragon-jars  and  plain  jars.     Both  groups  are  distinguished 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  23 

at  the  same  time  by  different  glazes,  and  it  may  be  surmised  at  the  out- 
set that  they  originate  from  different  kilns. 

The  three  jars  on  Plates  VI-VIII  exactly  agree  with  one  another 
in  shape  and  glaze  (evidently  an  iron  glaze)  the  color  of  which  moves 
from  a  light-yellow  to  a  dark-brown.  In  the  form  of  rim,  neck  and 
shoulders,  the  identity  is  perfect.  The  shoulders  are  decorated  with 
five  massive  lion-heads  ^  formed  in  separate  moulds  and  stuck  on  to  the 
body  of  the  vessel,  perforations  running  horizontally  through  the  jaws. 
The  designs,  wave-bands  and  a  couple  of  dragons  with  the  usual  cloud- 
ornaments,  are  incised  in  the  body  of  the  clay  and  in  the  two  specimens 
on  Plates  VI  and  VII  not  covered  by  the  glaze,  while  in  the  case  of  the 
specimen  in  Plate  VIII  the  outlines  and  scales  of  the  dragon  have  been 
overlaid  with  a  glaze  of  darker  tinge,  resulting  in  a  flat-relief  design. 
The  dragon- jar  in  Plate  V  differs  from  those  three  in  form  and  technique, 
and  is  an  extraordinary  specimen.  The  clay  walls  are  of  much  thinner 
build  and  covered  with  a  fine  dark-greenish  slip.  Six  ears  (two  of  which 
are  broken  off)  rest  on  the  shoulders;  they  are  shaped  into  the  very 
frequent  conventional  form  of  elephant  heads  ending  in  curved  trunks. 
The  two  dragons  are  turned  out  in  moiilds  and  playing  with  the  pearl 
(not  represented  in  the  illustration)  designed  as  a  spiral  with  flame. 

In  this  connection,  attention  shoiild  be  drawn  to  the  dragon- jars 
of  a  similar  type  discovered  in  large  numbers  on  Borneo.  The  Tung 
si  yang  k^ao,  an  interesting  Chinese  work  describing  the  far-eastern 
sea  trade  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  pubHshed  in  1618  (Ming  period) 
relates  that  the  people  of  Bandjermasin  on  Borneo  at  first  used  banana 
leaves' in  the  place  of  dishes,  but  that,  since  trade  had  been  carried  on 
with  China,  they  had  gradually  adopted  the  use  of  porcelain;  that  they 
liked  to  bargain  for  porcelain  jars  decorated  with  dragons  on  the  sur- 
face; and  that  they  woiild  keep  the  bodies  of  the  dead  in  such  jars  in- 
stead of  burying  them.^  Despite  everything  that  has  been  written  on 
the  subject  of  these  jars,  their  descriptions,  from  a  ceramic  and  historical 
point  of  view,  are  still  rather  unsatisfactory.  The  illustrations  referred 
to  below  are  made  from  sketches,  not  from  photographs.  A.  B.  Meyer 
and  Grabowsky  describe  the  glazes  as  brown  or  mottled  brown,  one 

1  A.  B.  Meyer  (Altertumer  aus  dem  Ostindischen  Archipel,  p.  7,  Leipzig,  1884) 
describing  similar  jars  from  Borneo  speaks  of  five  Rakshasa  or  lion-heads.  They  are, 
according  to  Chinese  notion,  nothing  but  lion-heads.  The  Rakshasa  heads  are  quite 
different  in  style,  are  always  characterized  by  long  protruding  tusks,  and  never  occur 
as  decorations  on  Chinese  pottery. 

2  HiRTH,  Ancient  Chinese  Porcelain,  p.  182. —  The  Dayak  designation  m«g^a«i; 
for  these  jars  seems  to  me  to  be  suggested  by  the  Chinese  name  lung  kang  ("dragon- 
jar").— For  illustrations  of  Borneo  dragon-jars  see  F.  S.  Grabowsky,  Zeitschrift 
filr  Ethnologie,  Vol.  XVII,  1885,  PL  VII,  or  A.  R.  Hein,  Die  bildenden  Kiinste  bei  den 
Dayaks  auf  Borneo,  p.  133  (Wien,  1890). 


24     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

glazed  white  being  the  only  exception.  Not  having  had  occasion  to 
see  any  of  them,  I  think  I  should  not  be  too  positive  in  my  judgment, 
but  can  merely  give  it  as  my  impression  that  the  Borneo  dragon- 
jars  are  very  similar  in  shape,  glaze  and  design  to  those  from  the 
PhiHppines,  and  that  both  seem  to  have  originated  from  the  same 
Chinese  kiln. 

Unfortunately,  our  knowledge  of  Chinese  pottery  is  far  from  being 
complete,  and  anything  Hke  a  scientific  history  of  it  does  not  yet  exist. 
Our  collectors  have  been  more  interested  in  porcelains,  and  the  subject 
of  common  pottery  has  been  almost  wholly  neglected.  Porcelain  is 
nothing  but  a  variety  of  pottery  and  can  be  properly  understood  only 
from  a  consideration  of  the  subject  in  its  widest  range.  Porcelain  and 
stoneware  appear  in  China  as  parallel  phenomena,  that  is  to  say,  the 
same  processes  of  glazing  and  decorating  have  been  applied  to  both 
categories  alike,  and  certain  porcelain  glazes  have  their  precedents  in 
corresponding  glazes  on  non-porcellanous  clays.  The  study  of  this 
ware  is  therefore  of  importance  for  the  history  of  porcelain,  and  it  has 
besides  so  many  qualities  and  merits  of  its  own  that  it  is  deserving  of 
close  investigation  for  its  own  sake.  If  we  had  at  our  disposal  such 
complete  collections  of  pottery  from  China  as  we  have  from  Japan,  it 
would  presumably  be  easy  to  point  out  the  Chinese  specimens  cor- 
responding to  those  of  the  PhiHppines,  and  to  settle  satisfactorily  the 
question  as  to  the  furnace  where  they  were  produced.  Such  a  collec- 
tion, whose  ideal  object  it  would  be  to  embrace  representative  speci- 
mens, ancient  and  modem,  of  the  many  hundred^  of  Chinese  kilns,  will 
probably  never  exist,  as  it  would  require  for  itself  a  large  museum  to  be 
housed.  From  my  personal  experience,  restricted  to  the  more  promi- 
nent kilns  of  the  provinces  of  Shantung,  ChiH,  Honan,  Shansi,  Shensi  and 
Kansu,  I  may  say  that  dragon-jars  of  the  PhiHppine  type  are  not 
turned  out  there  at  the  present  day,  nor  can  ancient  specimens 
of  this  kind  be  obtained  there.  Both  facts  are  conclusive  evi- 
dence, for  if  once  made,  some  vestiges  of  them  would  have  sur- 
vived in  modem  forms,  in  view  of  the  stupendous  persistency  of 
traditions  among  the  potters.  A  priori  it  may  be  inferred  that  the 
PhiHppine  pottery  came  from  those  locaHties  which  were  in  closest 
commercial  touch  with  the  Islands,  i.  e.  the  provinces  of  Fukien  and 
Kuangtung  in  southem  China.  The  fictile  productions  of  the  latter 
province  are  included  under  the  general  term  Kuang  yao,  Kuang  being 
^n  abbreviation  of  the  name  of  the  province,  yao  meaning  "pottery." 
f  The  city  of  Yang-kiang  in  the  prefecture  of  Chao-k'ing,  not  far  from 
;the  coast,  may  be  credited,  in  ah  likelihood,  with  the  manufacture 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  25 

of  the  dragon-jars.  Dr.  Bushell  ^  thus  describes  the  productions  of 
this  locaHty:  ''A  pecuHarly  dense,  hard,  and  refractory  stoneware  is 
fabricated  here,  the  body  of  which  ranges  from  reddish,  brown,  and 
dark  gray  shades  to  black.  All  kinds  of  things  are  made  at  this  place, 
including  architectural  ornaments,  cisterns,  fish  bowls  and  flower  pots 
for  gardens,  tubs  and  jars  for  storage,  domestic  utensils,  reUgious  images, 
sacred  figures  and  grotesque  animals,  besides  an  infinity  of  smaller 
ornamental  and  fantastic  curiosities.  These  potteries  are  distinguished 
for  the  qualities  of  the  glazes  with  which  the  dark  brown  body  is  in- 
vested. One  of  them,  a  souffle  blue,  was  copied  in  the  imperial  porce- 
lain manufactory  by  T'ang  Ying  [in  the  eighteenth  century],  from  a 
specimen  specially  sent  from  the  Palace  at  Peking  for  the  purpose." 
Nothing  accurate  is  known  about  the  history  of  this  factory,  and 
additional  proof  is  required  to  show  that  dragon- jars  were  once  manu- 
factured there.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  jars  strictly  identical  with 
those  found  on  Borneo  and  the  Philippines  will  ever  turn  up  in  China, 
unless  by  excavations  on  the  ancient  sites  of  the  kilns.  Chinese  col- 
lectors of  exquisite  ceramic  treasures  were  not  interested  in  this  com- 
mon household  ware  which  the  religious  spirit  of  the  Malayan  tribes 
has  faithfully  preserved.  The  age  of  these  dragon-jars  is  illustrated  by 
the  fact  stated  by  several  observers  that  the  Dayak  refused  to  buy  any 
later  imitations  made  in  China  which  speculative  dealers  tried  to  palm 
off  on  them,  and  that  any  remembrance  of  their  Chinese  origin  is  lost. 
The  same  is  the  case,  according  to  the  statement  of  Mr.  Cole,  on' the 
Philippines.  This  fact  is  singular,  as  the  natives  there  have  been  in 
constant  relations  with  the  Chinese,  as  a  Chinese  colony  has  been 
settled  at  Manila  for  centuries,  and  it  can  be  accounted  for  only  by  the 
explanation  that  at  one  remote  period  dragon-jars  of  a  superior  quality, 
at  least  in  the  eyes  of  the  natives,  were  fabricated  which  were  not 
rivaled  by  the  later  productions.  This  assumption  will  be  quite  plaus- 
ible to  one  familiar  with  ceramic  developments  in  China  exhibiting 
different  aspects  and  ever-varying  processes  and  qualities  through  all 
periods.  For  this  reason,  I  feel  inclined  to  set  these  dragon- jars  in  the 
epoch  of  the  early  intercourse  of  the  Chinese  with  the  Philippines,  the 
end  of  the  Sung  or  the  early  Ming  period,  say  roughly  the  time  of  the 
thirteenth  to  the  fifteenth  century.  ^ 

^  Chinese  Art,  Vol.  II,  p.  13  (London,  1906). 

2  In  China,  large  vessels  of  the  shape  of  these  dragon-jars,  usually  of  much 
larger  size,  are  still  used  everywhere  for  the  storage  of  the  water-supply  needed  in 
the  household.  They  find  their  place  in  a  corner  of  the  courtyard  and  are  filled, 
according  to  want,  with  the  water  drawn  from  wells,  which  is  brought  in  by  carriers 
or  on  wheel-barrows.     They  are  called  kang  or  weng,  and  no  doubt  represent  an  an- 


26     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

The  other  group  of  pottery  in  the  Cole  collection  is  characterized 
by  well-made  thick  and  oily  glazes  ranging  in  color  from  a  peculiar  light- 
blue  to  shades  of  grass-green,  dark-green,  olive-green,  and  lilac,  some- 
times combined  on  one  surface.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  all  these 
pieces  represent  Kuang  yao,  either  made  at  Yang-ch'un,  or  at  Yang- 
kiang,  in  Kuangtung  Province.  None  of  them  is  a  real  celadon,  though 
some  of  the  glazes,  in  particular  the  jar  on  Plate  XII,  come  near  to  it,  to 
a  certain  degree. ^  Similar  glazes  are  still  turned  out  at  Yi-hsing  on  the 
Great  Lake  {Tai  hu)  near  Shanghai,  but  they  are  inferior  in  quality  to 
these  specimens.  They  owe  their  attractions  entirely  to  the  glaze 
brilHant  with  its  varying  colors  blue  speckled,  flecked  with  green,  or 
green  being  the  prevailing  tint,  the  blue  looking  out  from  beneath  it  in 
spots  or  streaks;  in  one  example  (PI.  IX,  Fig.  2),  fine  purplish  Hnes 
like  bundles  of  rays  are  brought  out  around  the  shoulders  under  the 
glaze.  The  only  exception  is  represented  by  the  jar  in  Plate  XI,  which 
is  covered  by  a  dark  olive-green  glaze,  (also  in  its  interior)  interspersed 
with  yellowish  and  brownish  spots.  It  is  possibly  a  Sung  production, 
while  the  others  may  belong  to  the  Ming  period.  The  only  decorated 
jar  is  that  in  Plate  XIV  which  is  adorned  with  a  fiat-relief  band  of  floral 
designs.  The  jar  in  Plate  XII  has  the  four  ears  worked  into  animal-heads 
which  differ  in  style  from  the  lion-heads  on  the  dragon-jars.  The 
larger  jars  are  used  in  China  for  holding  water,  the  smaller  specimens 
are  wine-vessels. 

In  regard  to  the  three  small  pieces  grouped  on  Plate  XVII,  I  have 
no  positive  judgment,  for  lack  of  material  that  could  be  adequately 
compared  with  them.  The  most  interesting  of  these  specimens  is  that 
in  Fig.  I .  The  ornaments  of  this  stoneware  dish  are  laid  out  in  a  cinna- 
bar-red paint  over  a  buff-colored  glaze;  this  paint  is  produced  either  by 
means  of  vermiHon  or  siHcate  of  copper.  A  ring  on  the  inner  side  of  the 
dish  is  left  unglazed;  the  lower  side  is  completely  glazed  with  exception 

cient  type  of  pottery.  During  the  middle  ages,  the  province  of  Ch^kiang  enjoyed 
a  certain  fame  for  their  manufacture  (see  S.  W.  Bushell,  Description  of  Chinese 
Pottery  and  Porcelain,  p.  130).  At  the  present  time,  the  best  are  made  in  the  kilns 
of  Yi-hsing  in  the  province  of  Kiangsu. —  Porcelain  jars  decorated  with  dragons  are 
mentioned  as  having  been  made  in  the  imperial  factory  established  under  the  Ming 
(St.  Julien,  Histoire  et  fabrication  de  la  porcelaine  chinoise,  p.  100).  The  extensive 
rdle  which  the  dragon  played  during  that  period  is  too  well  known  to  be  discussed 
here  anew.  But  as  early  as  the  Sung  period  (and  possibly  still  earlier)  the  dragon 
appears  as  a  decorative  motive  on  pottery.  In  our  Chinese  collection  in  the  Field 
Museum,  e.  g.,  there  is  a  large  Sung  celadon  plate  the  centre  of  which  is  decorated 
with  the  relief  figure  of  a  dragon.  Dragons  and  many  other  motives  were  doubtless 
applied  to  common  pottery  centuries  before  they  made  their  debut  on  porcelain. 

1 1  am  inclined  to  think  that  such  pseudo-celadons  have  caused  travellers  in  the 
Archipelago  unfamiliar  with  the  ceramics  of  China  or  having  merely  a  book  knowl- 
edge of  the  subject  to  see  celadons  in  many  cases  where  there  are  none,  and  am 
seconded  in  this  opinion  by  Dr.  Bushell  (I.  c,  p.  13). 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  27 

of  the  raised  rim  on  which  the  dish  stands.  Nothing  like  this  dish  is 
known  to  me  from  China,  and  I  should  rather  suspect  a  Japanese  origin 
for  it.  However,  he  who  will  take  the  trouble  to  peruse  the  Japanese 
account  on  Luzon  pottery,  translated  below,  will  receive  the  impression 
that  it  may  belong  to  that  still  mysterious  class  styled  "Luzon  ware" 
by  the  Japanese  author. 

The  tiny  cup  in  Fig.  2  is  covered  with  a  grayish  glaze  with  an  impure 
yellowish  tinge  and  has  a  floral  design  in  black-blue  overglaze  painting ; 
three  ornaments  along  the  outward  rim  resemble  fishes.  Fig.  3  repre- 
sents a  blue  and  white  porcelain  dish,  as  said  before,  the  only  porcelain 
in  this  collection;  scenery  of  mountains  and  water,  a  rock  and  a  building 
in  the  foreground,  are  painted  under  the  glaze  in  a  darkened  blue  of 
poor  quality.  This  piece  is  of  crude  and  coarse  workmanship,  and  I 
do  not  remember  having  seen  anything  similar  in  China.  I  believe  I 
do  not  go  far  amiss  in  assigning  it  to  the  early  attempts  of  the  Japanese 
to  imitate  the  Chinese  cobalt-blue,  which  was  first  studied  by  Shonzui 
on  his  visit  to  King-t^-chen  in  15 10.  Also  the  mark  on  the  bottom 
(Fig.  3b)  betrays  a  decidedly  Japanese  trait,  and  the  dish  is  probably 
connected  with  the  great  export  era  of  Japanese  porcelain  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Brinkley  (Japan,  Vol.  VIII:  Keramic  Art,  p.  87) 
remarks:  "With  regard  to  the  possibility  of  Japan's  porcelain  having 
found  its  way  to  Eastern  countries  in  the  early  years  of  its  manufacture, 
it  appears  from  the  evidence  of  a  terrestrial  globe  in  1670  and  preserved 
in  the  Tokyo  Museum,  that  Japan  had  commercial  relations  with  the 
Philippines,  Cambodja,  Tonkin,  Annam,  Siam,  and  various  parts  of 
China,  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century." 

The  exaggerated  valuation  affixed  to  these  pieces  of  pottery  by  the 
Malayan  tribes  is  not  by  any  means  justified  by  their  merits,  but  seems 
to  be  largely  the  consequence  of  the  wondrous  stories  associated  with 
them.  It  is  accordingly  a  mere  ideal  estimation  resulting  from  social 
and  religious  customs.  Hardly  any  of  these  pieces  can  lay  claim  to 
unusual  ceramic  or  artistic  qualities,  and  from  a  Chinese  ceramic  view- 
point they  are  average  common  household  productions,  which  would 
not  be  very  costly  affairs  when  made  in  China  at  the  present  time. 
While  the  natives  have  apparently  linked  their  own  ideas  and  beliefs 
with  this  pottery,  the  question  is  justified  as  to  whether  the  impetus  for 
the  formation  of  this  ceramic  lore  was  possibly  received  from  Chinese 
traders.  It  would  be  plausible  to  assume  that  these  were  clever  enough 
to  trade  off  on  the  innocents  not  only  the  jar,  but  also  a  bit  of  a  marvel- 
ous story  about  its  supernatural  quaHties,  which  was  capable  of  in- 
creasing the  price  by  not  a  few  per  cent.  It  was  not  even  necessary  for 
them  to  strain  their  imagination  to  an  extraordinary  degree,  while  on 


28     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

the  lookout  for  such  stories,  as  they  abound  in  the  domain  of  their  own 
folklore,  so  that  an  optimist  might  feel  inclined  to  think  of  them  as 
honest  rogues  who  themselves  beHeved  what  they  told  their  customers 
in  a  mere  good-natured  attempt  to  be  entertaining. 

In  the  Tao  shuo  ''Discourse  on  Pottery"  written  by  Chu  Yen  in 
1774  and  translated  by  Dr.  Bushell,  ^  we  find  the  following  tradition 
on  record : 

''Chou  Yi-kung  (a  celebrated  mihtary  commander  during  the  Sung 
dynasty)  sent  a  teacup  as  a  present  to  a  poor  friend,  who  after  his 
return  home  prepared  tea  and  poured  it  into  the  cup,  whereupon  there 
immediately  appeared  a  pair  of  cranes,  which  flew  out  of  the  cup  and 
circled  round  it,  and  only  disappeared  when  the  tea  was  drunk." 

"Such  wonderful  stories,"  continues  the  Chinese  author  of  the 
treatise,  ''may  not  be  impossible  like  the  transformations  which  happen 
spontaneously  in  the  furnace.  Porcelain  is  created  out  of  the  element 
'earth,'  and  combines  in  itself  also  the  essential  powers  of  the  elements 
'water'  and  'fire.'  It  is  related  in  the  Wu  ch'uan  lu,  that  when  the 
military  store-house  at  Mei-chun,  in  the  province  of  Sze-ch'uan,  was 
being  repaired,  a  large  water-jar  was  found  inside  full  of  small  stones. 
After  the  religious  worship  on  the  first  day  of  each  moon,  another  lot 
of  water  and  stone  used  to  be  added,  and  this  was  done  for  an  unknown 
number  of  years,  and  yet  even  then  it  was  not  quite  full.  We  read 
again  in  the  Yu  ya  chih,  that  while  Ts'ao  Chu  was  a  small  official  at 
Ch'ien-k'ang,  Lu  was  officiating  as  Prefect,  and  there  stood  in  front  of 
his  Yamen  a  large  jar  of  the  capacity  of  five  hundred  piculs,  from  the 
interior  of  which  used  to  come  out  both  wind  and  clouds.  These  are 
similar  stories,  and  are  quoted  here  on  that  account." 

In  the  same  work  (p.  47)  a  story  referred  to  the  year  1 100  is  told  to 
the  effect  that  at  a  wine  banquet  of  friends  the  sounds  of  a  pipe  and  flute 
were  suddenly  heard,  faintly  echoing  as  if  from  above  the  clouds,  rising 
and  falHng  so  that  the  musical  notes  could  almost  be  distinguished,  and 
how  upon  investigation  it  was  discovered  that  they  came  out  of  a  pair 
of  vases,  and  how  they  stopped  when  the  meal  was  over.  Here  we  meet 
an  interesting  analogy  with  the  PhiHppine  talking  jars  discussed  by 
Mr.  Cole.  Another  magic  legend  is  related  regarding  a  scholar  who 
bought  an  earthenware  basin  to  wash  his  hands  in.  The  water  remain- 
ing on  the  bottom  froze  on  a  cold  winter  day,  and  he  saw  there  a  spray 
of  peach  blossom.  Next  morning  there  appeared  a  branch  of  peony 
crowned  with  two  flowers.  On  the  following  day  a  winter  landscape 
was  formed,  filling  the  basin,  with  water  and  villages  of  bamboo  houses, 
wild  geese  flying,  and  herons  standing  upon  one  leg,  all  as  complete  as 

1  Description  of  Chinese  Pottery  and  Porcelain,  p.  127  (Oxford,  1910). 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery. 


29 


a  finished  picture.  The  scholar  had  the  basin  mounted  and  enclosed 
in  a  silk-lined  case;  and  in  the  winter,  he  invited  guests  to  enjoy  the 
sight.  The  logic  of  this  story  is  intelHgible:  designs  and  scenery  as 
painted  on  pottery  here  appear  on  a  plain,  coarse  basin  by  a  magical 
process  which  is  suggested  to  imagination  by  the  flowers  formed  in  an 
ice-crust. 

While  these  stories  seem  to  have  emanated  from  the  Hterary  circle 
of  society  and  savour  of  bookish  estheticism,  there  are  also  others  into 
which  more  popular  elements  enter,  and  which  characterize  themselves 
as  originating  from  Taoism.  There  is  a  saying  in  regard  to  the  mysteri- 
ous ways  of  the  Taoists  capable  of  concentrating  Heaven  and  Earth  in 
a  vase.  The  legend  goes  that  a  certain  Fei  once  noticed  a  stranger 
jumping  into  a  vase  and  completely  disappearing  in  it.  Fei,  in  utmost 
surprise,  hurried  to  the  scene  and  respectfully  greeted  the  old  man  who 
invited  him  to  enter  also  the  marvelous  vase.  He  gladly  accepted 
the  offer  and  found  a  palace  with  a  table  covered  with  exquisite  dishes 
and  wines  which  he  heartily  enjoyed.  The  old  man  possessed  the  fac- 
ulty of  placing  the  finest  sights  of  nature  in  this  jar  and  called  himself 
Vase-Heaven  {Hu  THen),  subsequently  changed  into  Hu  kung,  "Mr. 
Vase."  ^  Based  on  this  legend,  a  potter  at  the  end  of  the  Ming  period 
gave  himself  the  sobriquet  ''the  Taoist  hidden  in  a  Vase"  {Hu  yin  tao 
jen).^ 

Taoist  priests  are  generally  called  in  by  the  people  to  expel  evil 
spirits.  They  are  able  to  capture  the  demons  and  sometimes  put 
them  in  an  earthenware  vessel  closed  with  a  cover  containing  some 
magic  character,  and  the  devils  are  thus  safely  carried  away  by  the 
priests.  These  and  other  spirits  are  sometimes  sold  to  the  people  as 
imbued  with  the  power  of  conferring  prosperity  on  their  owners,  at 
prices  ranging  from  twenty  to  forty  Mexican  dollars.^ 

If  the  Chinese  were  lovers  of  fine  porcelains  and  celebrated  them 
in  verses,  the  Japanese  may  be  called  maniacs  and  worshippers  of 
pottery.  In  view  of  their  relations  with  the  Philippines  and  the  inter- 
change of  pottery  between  the  two,  a  subject  discussed  farther  below, 
it  may  not  be  amiss  to  allude  briefly  to  the  ceramic  folklore  of  Japan, 
which,  after  all,  may  have  stimulated  to  a  certain  degree  the  imagina- 
tion of  the  Philippine  tribes.  It  is  well  known  that  tea  was  the  chief 
agency  in  the  refinement  of  pottery,  in  Japan  as  in  China,  and  also 
in  a  refinement  of  life  and  social  manners.     The  tea-plant  was  intro- 

^  Petillon,  Allusions  litteraires,  p.  70. 

2  HiRTH,  Ancient  Chinese  Porcelain,  p.  200. 

3  Compare  E.  Box,  Shanghai  Folklore  (Journal  China  Branch  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  Vol.  XXXIV,  p.  125). 


30     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

duced  into  Japan  from  China  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth,  tea-clubs  were  formed  which  practised  an  elaborate 
tea-ceremonial  growing  into  a  sort  of  esthetic  and  religious  cult.  Need- 
less to  say  that  these  tea-tasting  competitions  were  derived  also  from 
China  and  in  full  swing  there  as  early  as  the  Sung  period.^ 

The  Japanese  devotees  of  the  tea-cult  were  intent  on  supplying 
their  cherished  pieces  of  pottery  with  a  history  and  with  poetical  names ; 
they  were  animated  with  a  soul,  and  wrapped  up  in  precious  brocades, 
treated  as  gems  and  relics.  They  were  eagerly  bought  and  sold  at 
prices  far  out  of  proportion  with  their  real  value.  It  is  recorded, 
says  Brinkley  (Japan,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  270),  that  the  Abbot  Nensei,  in 
exchange  for  a  little  tea-jar  of  Chinese  faience,  known  as  "First  Flower," 
obtained  in  1584  a  vermilion  rescript  excusing  himself  and  his  descend- 
ants from  the  payment  of  all  taxes  forever;  and  it  is  further  a  fact  that 
amateurs  of  the  present  time  disburse  hundreds  of  dollars  for  speci- 
mens of  Soto-yaki  that  scarcely  seem  worth  the  boxes  containing  them. 
Kuroda,  the  feudal  chief  of  Chikuzen,  had  a  triple  case  made  for  a 
Chinese  tea-jar  presented  to  him,  and  appointed  fifteen  officials  who 
were  all  held  responsible  for  its  safety  {Ibid.,  p.  319).  Of  wonderful 
tales  of  Japan  connected  with  pottery,  the  story  of  the  dancing  tea-jar 
which  assumed  the  shape  of  a  badger  {tanuki)  ^  may  be  called  to  mind 
as  an  analogy  to  the  personification  aiid  zoomorphy  of  Malayan  jars. 

In  1854  Tanaka  Yonisaburo  wrote  a  book  under  the  title  Tdkiko 
''Investigations  of  Pottery,"  which  was  pubhshed  in  1883  at  Tokyo 
in  two  volumes  of  moderate  size.  This  author  has  devoted  a  noticeable 
study  to  the  pottery  introduced  into  Japan  from  foreign  countries,  and 
shows  that  many  pieces  taken  for  Japanese  are  in  fact  of  foreign  origin. 
He  dwells  at  length  on  the  pottery  of  Luzon,  which  was  highly  appre- 
ciated in  Japan,  and  which  seems  to  have  acted  as  a  stimulus  to  the 
productions  of  her  kilns.  Owing  to  the  importance  and  novelty  of  this 
subject,  a  complete  translation  of  two  chapters  of  the  Tokiko  is  here 
added.  In  the  first  chapter,  foreign  pottery,  inclusive  of  that  of  Luzon, 
is  considered  in  general;  in  the  second  chapter,  Luzon  pottery  is  dealt 
with  more  specifically.  The  general  designation  of  this  pottery  is 
Namhan.  The  latter  is  a  Chinese  word  composed  of  nan  "south" 
and  Man,  originally  a  generic  term  for  all  non-Chinese  aboriginal 
tribes  inhabiting  the  mountain-fastnesses  of  Southern  China.  It  is 
usually  translated  ''the  southern  Barbarians,"  but  it  is  very  doubtful 

1  BusHELL,  /.  c,  p.  124.  The  Japanese  tea-ceremonies  have  been  described  in 
many  books.  Of  monographs,  W.  Harding  Smith,  The  Cha-No-Yu,  or  Tea  Cere- 
mony {Transactions  of  the  Japan  Society  London,  Vol.  V,  pp.  42-72)  and  Ida  Trot- 
ziG,  Cha-No-Yu  Japanernas  Teceremoni  (Stockholm,  1911)  may  be  mentioned. 

2  First  told  in  English  garb  by  A.  B.  Mitford  in  his  Tales  of  Old  Japan. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  31 

to  me  whether  any  such  sting  adhered  to  the  name  in  the  beginning. 
In  the  ancient  Chinese  texts,  the  Man  tribes  are  frequently  spoken  of 
with  dignity  and  respect,  and  Chinese  authors  do  not  shun  to  admit 
many  cultural  elements  which  the  Chinese  owed  to  them.  The  term 
Man  may  occasionally  be  used  contemptuously, —  and  in  what  com- 
munity would  an  extratribal  name  not  be  turned  to  such  an  occasional 
use? —  but  this  certainly  does  not  mean  that  a  stigma  is  implied  in  each 
and  every  case.  In  the  Chinese  accounts  of  the  conflicts  with  the 
Spaniards  on  the  Philippines,  the  Spaniards  are  sometimes  entitled  Man 
instead  of  their  usual  name,  because  the  chronicler  gives  vent  to  his 
exasperation  at  their  outrages,  and  there,  it  is  doubtless  intended  for 
savages.^  The  Japanese  adopted  from  the  Chinese  the  term  Nan-Man 
or  Namban  and  applied  it  first  to  all  foreign  regions  south  of  their  home 
(with  the  exception  of  China),  its  meaning  being  simply  "foreign  tribes 
of  the  south"  or  ''southern  foreigners"  including  Formosa,  the  Philip- 
pines, the  Malayan  Archipelago,  Malacca,  and  the  two  Indias.  Sub- 
sequently, it  was  transferred  also  to  the  Portuguese,  Spaniards  and 
Dutch  who  made  their  first  appearance  in  the  southern  waters,  and  it 
finally  asstmied  the  general  meaning  "foreign,"  especially  in  connection 
with  foreign  products,  like  namban  kiwi  "foreign  millet,"  i.  e.  maize, 
namban  tetsu,  "foreign  iron."  The  church  built  by  the  Jesuits  at  Kyoto 
in  1568  and  destroyed  in  1588  after  Hideyoshi's  edict  of  proscription 
was  called  Namban-ji,  "Temple  of  the  Foreigners." 

1  Laufer,  The  Relations  of  the  Chinese  to  the  Philippine  Islands,  pp.  262,  271, 
276.     (Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collections,  Vol.  L,  Part  2,  1907.) 


TWO  CHAPTERS  FROM  THE  TOKIKO 

I.     Objects  of  the  Namban 

The  pottery  of  the  Namban  Islands  which  are  Amakawa,^  Luzon,^ 
Mo-u-ru,  ^  Eastern  India,  ^  Cochin,  ^  Annam,  Nekoro,  ^  and  Taiwan 
(Formosa)  is  usually  named  according  to  the  locality  where  it  is  manu- 
factured. In  case  that  its  place  of  origin  is  not  obvious,  the  people 
simply  speak  of  Namban  objects,  as  Namban  is  a  general  designation 
for  all  these  places.  While  the  best  productions  of  the  Namban  are 
tea-canisters  (cha-ire),  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they  produce 
also  utensils  of  other  character.     When  I  investigated  a  pitcher  {mi- 

zusashi)  shaped  likejM,  experts  took  it  for  the  ware  called  Enshu 


Mikirigata  Takatori.^    It  was  made  from  a  black-purple  clay  covered 
with  a  silvery  lustre  and  brilliant  with  black  marks.     I  had  it  exposed 

1  The  name  is  transcribed  in  the  text  only  in  Katakana  signs,  not  given  in 
Chinese  characters,  which  would  facilitate  its  identification.  Judging  from  its 
phonetic  composition,  it  sounds  Japanese,  and  amakawa  is  indeed  a  Japanese  word 
(meaning  "the  inner  bark  of  a  tree").  No  such  geographical  name,  as  far  as  I  know, 
occurs  in  Japan,  the  Luchu  Islands,  or  the  Philippines.  It  is  mentioned  farther 
below  in  this  text  that  it  forms  with  Luzon  and  Formosa  the  group  of  Three  Islands 
(Mishima)  and  produces  pottery  of  white  clay  and  grayish  glaze. 

2  In  Japanese  pronunciation:  Rusun  (Chinese:  Lii-sung). 
^  Presumably  the  Moluccas;  written  only  in  Katakana. 

^  In  Japanese :  To  Indu.  In  other  passages  the  word  Tenji  (Chinese :  T'  ien- 
chu)  is  used  for  India. 

^  The  Chinese  designation  Kiao-chih  is  used. 

^  Possibly  the  Nikobars. 

^  The  designation  of  the  famous  master  of  tea-ceremonies  (chanoyu)  Kobori 
Masakazu  (i 576-1 645)  and  a  group  of  pottery  manufactured  according  to  his 
instructions  in  Takatori  in  the  province  of  Chikuzen  (see  F.  Brinkley,  Japan,  Vol. 
VIII,  Keramic  Art,  p.  318;  Oueda  ToKOUNOSOUKi;,  La  ceramique  japonaise,  pp. 
89,  93).  This  name  is  given  in  distinction  from  the  Ko-Takatori  (Old  Takatori) 
started  by  Korean  settlers  in  that  district.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  the  above 
mentioned  pitcher  is  of  real  Takatori  make,  as  a  glaze  of  that  description  does  not 
occur  among  Takatori  productions  known  to  us,  which  generally  are  of  white, 
light-blue  or  ash-colored  glazes,  or  take  the  Chinese  "transmutation  glaze"  (yao 
pien)  as  model.  Our  author  evidently  means  to  express  the  same  opinion  which 
leads  him  to  class  the  piece  in  question  among  foreign  or  Namban  wares. —  In  this 
connection,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  the  ancient  pottery  kilns  at  Sawankalok, 
Siam,  small  vases  and  bottles  have  been  discovered  by  Mr.  T.  H.  Lyle,  described 
by  Mr.  C.  H.  Reid  as  being  "of  a  fine  pottery  covered  with  mottled  glaze,  the 
shapes  often  elegant,  and  sometimes  highly  finished,  recalling  the  fine  tea-jars  made 
at  Takatori  in  the  province  of  Chikuzen  in  Japan"  (Journal  Anthropological  Insti- 
tute, Vol.  XXXIII,  1903,  p.  244). 

32 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery. 


33 


to  a  fire,  and  the  glaze  assumed  a  golden  hue.  The  clay  was  a  mixture 
of  yellow  and  red  earths  and  changed  into  a  brown.  It  proved  to  be  a 
Namban  production. 

Further  among  Yashiro  Karatsu-hakeme  ^  wares,  there  was  a 
specimen  of  black-purplish  clay  emitting,  when  struck,  a  metallic 
sound.  I  had  a  piece  broken  out,  and  clay  and  glaze  on  examination 
under  a  lense  attested  to  its  being  Namban.  Among  old  Hakeme, 
that  kind  known  as  kodai  ^  with  black-purplish  clay  and  dark-brown ' 
and  silvery  lustre  is  Namban  Hakeme.  When  investigating  some  pieces 
without  marks  among  Bizen,  ^  Imbe,  ^  Karatsu,  ^  and  Tamba,  ^  they 
proved  to  be  Namban. 

Mishima  (''Three  Islands")  pottery  is  that  made  on  the  three 
islands  of  Amakawa,  Luzon,  and  Formosa.  Among  this  so-called  class 
of  Mishima,  the  large  pieces  with  purple-black  clay  and  green  glaze 
(sei-yaku)  are  Luzon  pottery;  ^  those  of  white  clay  and  grayish  ^  glaze 
are  Amakawa.  As  to  Formosa,  I  have  as  yet  no  proofs,  but  pieces 
popularly  called  Hagi  Mishima^^  with  a  light  lustre  and  decorated  with 

^  Karatsu  or  Nagoya  on  the  north-west  coast  of  Hizen  has  been  the  harbour  of 
entry  and  exit  for  the  greater  part  of  the  traffic  between  Japan,  China  and  Korea; 
the  name  Karatsu  means  "port  for  China."  Brinkley  (/.  c,  pp.  307  et  seq.)  and 
Edward  S.  Morse  (Catalogue  of  the  Morse  Collection  of  Japanese  Pottery,  pp.  37 
et  seq.)  have  devoted  full  discussions  to  the  pottery  productions  of  Karatsu.  Those 
with  a  broad  brush-mark  of  white  are  termed  hakeme,  i.  e.  brush-marked.  Brinkley 
maintains  that  the  potters  of  Karatsu  were  chiefly  imitators,  and  that,  their  best 
efforts  being  intended  for  the  tea-clubs,  they  took  as  models  the  rusty  wares  of 
Korea,  Annam,  Luzon,  etc.,  or  the  choicer  but  still  sombre  products  of  the  Seto  kilns. 
If  this  statement  be  correct,  the  specimen  alluded  to  above  might  be  also  a  Karatsu 
imitation  of  a  Namban  pottery. 

2  Lit.  high  terrace. 

'Jap.  shibu,  the  juice  expressed  from  unripe  persimmons  (kaki),  from  which  a 
dark-brown  pigment  for  underglaze  decoration  was  obtained  in  Korea  (Brinkley, 
p.  49). 

*  The  province  of  Bizen  is  celebrated  for  its  hard  reddish-brown  stoneware 
described  by  Brinkley  (pp.  328  et  seq.)  and  Morse  (pp.  49  et  seq.). 

5  Imbe  is  a  district  in  the  province  of  Bizen.  Under  the  name  Imhe-yaki,  "pot- 
tery of  Imbe,"  or  Ko-Bizen,  "Old  Bizen,"  the  ware  made  there  at  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century  is  understood  (Brinkley,  p.  329).  Nearly  every  piece  of  Imbe 
ware  bears  a  mark  of  some  kind,  usually  impressed  (Morse,  p.  49)  so  that  the 
pieces  without  marks  seem  to  be  the  exceptions  justifying  to  some  extent  the  sus- 
picion of  a  foreign  origin. 

^  It  is  difficult  to  understand  what  is  meant  by  unmarked  pieces  of  Karatsu,  as 
the  Karatsu  potters  were  not  in  the  habit  of  marking  their  productions,  and  have 
left  no  personal  records  (Brinkley,  p.  311).  See  also  the  last  paragraph  of  this 
chapter  where  the  presence  of  marks  on  Karatsu  is  utilized  as  evidence  of  its  foreign 
origin. 

7  On  the  pottery  of  the  province  of  Tamba  see  Brinkley,  p.  398,  and  Morse, 
pp.  178,  347,  360. 

8  Apparently  celadons. 

^  Jap.  shiro-nezumi,  "white  rat." 

1°  Manufactured  in  the  province  of  Nagato,  with  a  pearl  gray  glaze  (Brinkley, 
p.  343;  Morse,  p.  81). 


34     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

a  row  of  round  knobs,  or  water  pitchers  with  black  marks  on  the  bottom 
appear  to  be  Formosan.  I  shall  deal  with  this  subject  in  a  subsequent 
book.  Among  Gohon  ^  Mishima,  there  are  Korean  and  Mishima. 
Specimens  called  Kumo-tsuru  Mishima  ^  with  good  lustre  and  fine 
writings  are  Amakawa.  Mishima  is  merely  a  general  designation.  It 
should  be  specified  as  Higaki  ^  Mishima,  Rei-pin  ^  Mishima,  Hana  ^ 
Mishima,  Hakeme  ^  Mishima,  Muji  ^  Mishima.^ 

Among  the  Irapo  ^  I  tested  the  clay  of  Old  Irapo  with  the  brush- 
mark  {hakeme)  Kukihori  Genyetsu  Irapo,^^  and  found  it  to  be  Namban 
clay.  Its  make-up  is  crooked  (yugami),  and  it  is  hard  like  Korean.  As 
regards  the  name  of  the  potter  Genyetsu,  he  was  usually  called  Kuki- 
hori. ^^  Writing  the  latter  name  with  the  Chinese  characters  for  kugi 
(''nail")  and  hori  ("to  carve")  is  of  recent  origin.  Kukihori  is  the 
name  of  a  locality.  His  style  is  not  limited  to  the  Irapo,  but  some 
of  the  Gohon^2  are  like  it.  Considering  a  rice-bowl,^^  a  confusion 
with  Korean  ware  is  possible;  in  regard  to  tea-canisters  (cha-ire),  how- 
ever, they  are  obviously  Namban.  The  Genyetsu  Irapo  very  seldom 
go  by  the  mark  "made  by  Genyetsu"  (Genyetsu-saku) .  It  is  the  same 
case  as  with  the  Ki-Seto  of  Hakuan^''  under  whose  name  originals  and 

1  Gohon  is  the  name  of  a  pottery  made  in  Korea  at  the  instigation  of  lyemitsu, 
the  third  Shogun  of  the  Tokugawa  family  (1623-49)  which  was  imitated  in  the  kilns 
of  Asahi  in  Yamashiro  Province  (T.  Oueda,  La  ceramique  japonaise,  p.  89).  Brink- 
ley  (p.  356)  remarks  that  in  the  Asahi  ware  imitations  are  occasionally  found  of  the 
so-called  Cochinchinese  faience,  but  that  they  are  rare  and  defective.  This  fact 
may  account  for  the  above  definition  of  Mishima. 

2  /.  e.  Mishima  with  clouds  (kumo)  and  cranes  itsuru) ;  also  to  be  read  Un- 
kwaku  in  Sinico- Japanese  pronunciation.  According  to  Brinkley  (p.  48),  this 
design  was  a  favorite  in  the  Korean  celadons  manufactured  at  Song-do.  In  all 
probability,  celadons  are  involved  also  in  this  case. 

3  Higaki  means  a  hedge  or  fence  {kaki)  formed  by  the  tree  hi  or  hinoki,  Thuya 
obtusa. 

^  Evidently  a  transcription  of  the  name  Philippines,  the  first  syllable  being 
dropped.     Japanese  lacks  the  sound  I  and  substitutes  r  for  it. 
^  /.  e.  flowery  or  decorated. 

8  Decorated  with  brush-work. 
^  Plain  or  undecorated. 

'  Here  the  term  Hana  Mishima  is  repeated,  though  occurring  only  in  the  pre- 
ceding line.     The  book  is  somewhat  carelessly  written. 

9  The  irapo  were  low-priced  bowls  serving  in  Korea  for  making  offerings  to  the 
dead  on  the  cemeteries  (T.  Oueda,  /.  c,  p.  LVIII). 

1"  /.  e.  an  irapo  bowl  made  by  the  potter  Genyetsu  from  Kukihori. 

"  Written  with  Katakana  signs. 

^2  See  above  note  i. 

"  Jap.  chawan,  lit.  a  tea-bowl,  by  which  a  large  bowl  to  eat  rice  from  is  understood 
at  present,  while  a  tea-cup  is  called  cha-nomi-wan,  "bowl  for  tea-drinking." 

14  The  name  of  a  potter  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century  about  whom 
very  little  is  known.  Brinkley  (p.  274)  and  Morse  (p.  200)  place  him  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  Tokounosouke  Ou^da  (p.  8)  in  the  first  half  of  the 
seventeenth.     His  name  is  connected  with  the  production  of  a  yellow  faience,  the 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  35 

imitations  are  included.  It  is  a  mistake  to  designate  all  Gohon  as 
Korean.^ 

Toyotomi  Hideyoshi  (i 536-1 598)  despatched  a  ship  from  Sakai  to 
Luzon  and  had  a  genuine  jar  (tsubo)  made  there.  At  that  time,  not 
only  jars  were  brought  home  from  there,  but  it  is  also  probable  that  he 
sent  to  Luzon  samples  of  Furuori  Enshu.^  Among  Namban  ware  we 
find  a  cup  to  wash  writing-brushes  in  (fude-arai)  called  Hana  Tachi- 
bana,  ^  copied  from  Raku  ware,  ^  and  also  a  plain  bowl  in  the  style  of 
Shigaraki  Enshu  Kirigata.^  The  fact  that  the  lord  of  Enshu  allowed 
the  seal  of  this  ware  to  be  placed  only  on  the  pottery  for  his  own  royal 
household  and  on  that  of  Ido  ^  is  of  deep  significance. 

The  Mishima  bowls  (domburi)  now  in  general  use  are  made  of  pur- 
yellow  ware  of  Seto  {Ki-Seto) ,  some  of  which  are  attributed  by  tradition  directly  to  his 
hand.  The  later  copies  of  his  work  were,  as  in  so  many  other  cases,  named  for 
him,  and  this  makes  the  point  of  coincidence  with  the  Irapo  of  Genyetsu. 

^  This  is  a  repetition  of  what  was  stated  above  in  regard  to  the  Gohon. 

2  The  Takatori  pottery  named  for  the  lord  of  Enshu,  Kobori  Masakazu  (see 
above,  p.  32).  The  term  furuori  (or  according  to  Sinico-Japanese  reading  ko-shoku) 
means  "ancient  weavings,"  and  possibly  refers  to  a  group  of  pottery  decorated 
with  textile  patterns.  If  the  above  statement  should  really  prove  to  be  an  historical 
fact,  it  would  shed  light  on  the  piece  of  alleged  Enshu  pottery  discussed  by  our 
author  in  the  beginning  of  this  chapter  and  explained  by  him  as  Namban.^  We 
could  then  establish  the  fact  of  an  interchange  of  pottery  between  Takatori  and 
Luzon  which  would  have  resulted  in  mutual  influences  and  imitations. 

3  /.  e.  decorated  pottery  with  an  orange  glaze.  This  ware  was  produced  toward 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  at  Agano,  Buzen  Province;  its  glaze  was 
granulated  so  as  to  resemble  the  skin  of  an  orange,  hence  known  as  tachibana  (Brink- 
ley,  p.  403).  The  process  is  of  Chinese  origin  (St.  Julien,  Histoire  et  fabrication  de 
la  porcelaine  chinoise,  p.  195;  S.  W.  Bushell,  Description  of  Chinese  Pottery  and 
Porcelain,  p.  58). 

*  Raku  is  the  designation  of  a  hand-made  pottery  originating  from  a  Korean 
potter  Ameya  Yeisei  who  settled  at  Kyoto  in  1525.  His  son  Chojiro  was  protected 
by  Hideyoshi  and  presented  by  him  with  a  gold  seal  bearing  the  character  Raku 
("Joy")  derived  from  the  name  of  his  palace  Juraku  erected  at  Kyoto  in  1586; 
hence  the  mark  and  name  of  this  pottery.  _ 

5  Shigaraki  is  a  place  in  the  Nagano  district,  Omi  province,  where  pottery 
furnaces  were  at  work  as  long  ago  as  the  fourteenth  century.  Large  tea- jars  for 
the  preservation  of  tea-leaves  were  the  dominant  feature  of  its  manufacture.  A 
tea-jar  of  this  kind,  of  extraordinary  size,  glazed  a  light-reddish  tinge  with  splashes 
of  pale-green  overglaze  on  the  shoulders,  is  in  the  collections  of  the  Field  Museum. 
The  variety  of  Shigaraki  mentioned  in  the  text  is  usually  called  Enshu-Shigaraki, 
named  after  Kobori  Masakazu,  the  lord  of  Enshu,  to  whom  reference  was  made 
above  (p.  32).  According  to  Brinkley  (p.  369),  the  productions  with  this  label 
offer  no  distinctive  features,  but  are  valued  by  the  tea-clubs  for  the  sake  of  their 
orthodox  shapes  and  sober  glazes. 

6  Ido  is  a  keramic  district  in  Korea  from  which  Shinkuro  and  Hachizo  hailed, 
two  Korean  captives  who  after  Hideyoshi's  expedition  to  Korea  settled  at  Takatori 
in  Chikuzen  and  started  a  kiln  there.  During  the  early  years  of  their  work  they 
used  only  materials  imported  from  their  native  country,  and  these  productions  were 
therefore  designated  as  Ido.  Kobori  Masakazu,  the  feudal  chief  of  Enshu,  interested 
himself  in  the  Korean  potters  and  became  influential  in  the  perfection  of  their  work. 
The  Ido-yaki  seems  to  have  served  also  the  Korean  potter  of  Hagi  as  a  model,  for 
the  chief  characteristic  of  his  productions  was  grayish  craquele  glaze  with  clouds  of 
salmon  tint  (Brinkley,  p.  344). 


36     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

plish  clay,  and  the  glaze  is  decorated  in  the  style  of  nipples  (chichimi 
moyo).  They  are  much  neater  than  Korean  ware.  As  they  are  fired 
under  an  intense  heat,  their  shapes  are  well  curved,  and  their  sound  is 
metalHc.     They  are  all  of  Kukihori  style. 

Old  Ido  (Furu-Ido  or  Ko-Ido),  Green  Ido  (Ao-Ido),  and  Ido-waki 
which  are  green  and  hard  are  manufactured  in  Eastern  India.  The 
book  Wa-Kan-cha-shi  ("Records  regarding  Tea  in  Japan  and  China") 
says  that  this  pottery  comes  from  India,  and  that  even  those  pieces 
said  to  be  produced  in  Korea  have  come  over  from  India;  the  assertion 
of  some  that  it  is  called  Ido  as  being  made  in  the  style  of  a  certain  potter 
Ido  is  erroneous ;  Furu-Ido  and  Ao-Ido  are  entirely  different  from  other 
Ido  both  in  clay  and  glaze.  This  explanation  of  the  Book  on  Tea  is 
correct:  the  Ido  mentioned  above  are  of  Indian  make,  and  the  other 
Ido  are  Korean.^  There  are  also  Shiiisan  ^  Ido  and  Sowa  ^  Ido  which 
appear  to  be  kinds  of  pottery  of  India  Ido.  Their  glaze  is  blistered  and 
of  low  grade.  Ao-Ido  is  the  celadon  '*  of  India.  Among  the  objects 
left  in  the  temple  Kin-chi-in  by  Todo  Takatora  ^  (i 556-1 630),  there  are 
also  Ido  which  seem  to  be  celadons  (seiji) . 

Namban  Totoya  ^  pottery  has  a  blue-black  glaze  uncrackled.  Its 
clay  is  black  and  purplish,  and  its  sound  is  metallic.  Some  have  three 
or  four  apertures  ^  in  the  body,  and  others  more.  The  old  ones  are 
called  Kaki-no-heta  ("Persimmon-calyx").  Among  this  class,  also 
incense-boxes  (kogo)  and  pitchers  {mizusashi)  are  found. 

As  regards  Namban  celadon  {seiji),  it  has  a  black-purple  clay  and 
green  glaze  (sei-yaku)  running  in  white  streams  (tamari-yaku)  here  and 
there.  It  has  a  metallic  sound  and  is  popularly  called  Muji  Kumo- 
tsuru  or  Un-kwaku,  ^  or  Hagi  make.  As  regards  the  production  of  the 
green,  it  is  called  Karat su  Kumo-tsuru.  What  the  ancients  called 
Muji  Kumo-tsuru  is  this. 

The  pottery  designated  as  Old  Kumo-tsuru  and  Kumo-tsuru  is  a 
production  of  the  Namban.     Its  style  of  painting  is  fine,  and  the  mark 

^  Regarding  these  Korean  Ido  see  Brinkley,  pp.  51-52. 

2  The  name  is  composed  of  the  two  characters  for  "ship"  (shiu,  Jap.  fune)  and 
"mountain"  (san,  Jap.  yama).  The  name  is  derived  from  Chou-shan,  a  place  in  the 
province  of  Fukien,  China,  where  a  hard  white  porcelain  was  made, 

3  Transcribed  in  Katakana. 

-•Jap.  seiji,  "green  porcelain,"  identical  with  the  Chinese  name  for  celadons. 
Probably  the  celadons  of  Siam  are  meant  here  (T.  H.  Lyle,  Notes  on  the  An- 
cient Pottery  Kilns  at  Sawankalok,  Siam.  Journal  Anthropological  Institute,  Vol. 
XXXIII,  1903,  pp.  238-245). 

^  A  daimyo  who  served  Nobunaga  and  then  Hideyoshi  and  retired  on  his  master's 
death  into  the  monastery  Koyasan. 

^  Transcribed  in  Katakana. 

^  Lit.  eyes. 

8  /.  e.  plain,  with  clouds  and  cranes,  a  favorite  design  in  celadons. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  37 

of  a  tripod  vessel  (gotoku)  with  which  it  is  provided  is  also  a  tripod  vessel 
of  the  Namban. 

On  the  preceding  pages  the  difference  between  Korean  and  Namban 
pottery  has  been  explained.  Further  details  will  follow.  Namban 
are  the  various  countries  as  described  in  the  previous  notes  {koguchi- 
gaki) . 

Namban  pottery  provided  with  the  seal  of  the  oven  from  which  it 
originates  is  usually  not  recognized  as  such  by  our  contemporaries, 

though  clay  and  glaze  point  to  its  being  Namban.  The  mark  \  ^ 
finely  made  on  Imbe  ware,  the  mark    >\    on  a  jar  (tsubo)  of  Bizen,  the 


T 


mark      I      three  times  on  a  tea-canister  (cha-ire)  of  the  same  ware,  and 

the  mark  Roku-zo  on  a  pitcher  (mizusashi) ,  and  marks  on  several  other 
potteries  represent  the  national  writing  of  Luzon  (Luzon-no  kokuji)} 
Also  a  deep-brown  glazed  tea-canister  {shibu  yaku-no  cha-ire)  on  which 

the  character  t*^^  is  written  consists  of  Namban  clay.     Some  of  these 


t 


marks  may  have  been  produced  by  Japanese  who  crossed  over;  but 
others  may  have  been  made  by  the  natives  (Man-jin),  for  it  cannot  be 
ruled  that  Namban  has  no  marks  of  the  furnace.  There  is,  e.  g.,  on  a 
fire-pan  {hi-ire)  of  Annam  the  mark  Ta-kang"^  impressed  by  means 
of  a  seal,  which  is  the  name  of  the  maker.  The  tea-canisters  called 
Chosen-Garatsu  (Korean  Karatsu)  ^  which  have  a  plant-green  (moyegi) 
glaze  and  purpHsh  clay,  or  also  dark-brown  (shibu)  glaze  with  purplish 
clay  are  taken  by  our  contemporaries  for  real  Karatsu-make  on  account 
of  their  seals  of  the  furnace,  but  I  consider  them  as  foreign  manufac- 

1  This  is  a  Chinese  character  {ting,  Jap.  tei).  Imbe  pottery  is  characterized  by 
a  great  variety  of  peculiar  marks  the  significance  of  most  of  which  is  unknown  (see 
Morse,  pp.  49  et  seq.). 

2  The  following  characters,  found  in  Philippine  alphabets,  resemble  somewhat 


\ 


the  markings  on  these  vessels:     I        Pampanga;        5        Tagalog;       P        Ilocano, 
equivalents    for    la;      S       Visayan;        I        Pampanga    and    Tagbanua    for    na; 


Tagbanua  for  ka.     [F.  C.  C] 


^  Denoting  the  numeral  7. 

*  The  two  characters  are  transcribed  according  to  the  Annamite  pronunciation. 

^  Brinkley,  p.  310. 


38     Field  Museum  or  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

tures  in  view  of  the  presence  of  the  seals.  Such  canisters  were  the 
models  of  the  Oribe  ware.^  Karatsu  pots  are  not  made  with  a  view  to 
durabihty  and  therefore  not  in  need  of  affixing  a  seal  of  the  furnace. 
According  to  clay  and  glaze,  they  are  objects  of  the  Man.  It  may  be 
that  Japanese  who  went  abroad  imported  this  ware,  or  some  may  have 
imported  the  clay  and  glaze  and  baked  the  vessels  at  home.  At  any 
rate,  it  is  not  the  clay  and  glaze  of  Karatsu. 


II.     Luzon 

Of  pottery  vessels  of  Luzon,  there  is  a  large  variety.  As  a  rule, 
people  call  only  jars  (tsubo)  and  tea-canisters  (cha-ire)  Luzons.  Owing 
to  the  fact  that  all  other  articles  of  Luzon  bear  out  a  similarity  to  those 
of  Hagi,  Karatsu,  Seto,  Bizen,  Tamba,  Takatori,  Higo,  Oribe,  and 
Shino,  2  Luzons  are  erroneously  beHeved  to  be  restricted  to  the  above 
two  articles.  Comparing  the  specimens  discovered  by  me  with  those 
imported  at  present  by  Chinese  junks,  I  may  give  the  following  de- 
scriptions of  the  various  wares. 

I.  Tamba  looks  very  much  Hke  Luzon.  Luzon  is  of  hard  clay 
and  lustrous  glaze.  Greenish-yellow  glaze  is  splashed  (Jukidasu)  over 
the  bottom.  Our  home-made  ware  {i.  e.  Tamba),  however,  is  soft, 
and  greenish-yellow  glaze  is  painted  on  the  bottom.     It  frequently 

1  Brinkley,  p.  275. 

2  These  are,  with  the  exception  of  Shino,  names  of  pottery-producing  localities 
in  Japan;  the  wares  themselves  are  simply  named  for  the  places  of  production. 
Most  of  them  have  been  referred  to  in  the  preceding  chapter.  Hagi  is  the  chief 
town  in  the  province  of  Nagato  where  pottery  kilns  were  started  in  the  sixteenth 
century  by  a  Korean  whose  descendants  have  continued  the  manufacture  down  to  the 
present  time.  Higo  is  the  principal  province  on  the  island  of  Kiushu  where  pottery- 
making,  also  under  Korean  influence,  commenced  in  1598.  The  Shino  pottery,  a 
rude  stoneware  of  thick,  white  crackled  glaze,  decorated  with  primitive  designs  in 
dark-brown  (shibu)  pigments,  was  originated  in  1480  by  Shino  lenobu,  a  celebrated 
master  of  the  tea-ceremonies  (Brinkley,  p.  276);  Morse  (p.  191)  gives  1700  as  the 
earliest  date  to  which  pieces  recognized  under  the  name  of  Shino  go  back,  but  the 
type  of  this  pottery  must  have  been  made  long  before  this  date,  as  the  gray,  white- 
inlaid  Shino  is  accorded  an  age  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  years. 

Our  author  Tanaka  has  a  different  story  to  tell  regarding  the  origin  of  Shino. 
In  his  second  volume  (p.  9)  he  relates  that  Shino  Munenobu  utilized  a  white-glazed 
water-basin  from  Luzon  and  turned  it  into  a  rice-bowl,  which  gave  rise  to  the  name 
"bowl  of  Shino"  {Shino  chawan) ;  later  on,  this  bowl  was  handed  down  to  Imai  Mune- 
hisa,  but  the  book  Mei-hutsu-ki  ("Records  of  Famous  Objects")  says  that  it  is 
Chinese;  imitations  of  this  bowl  made  in  Owari  are  called  Shino-yaki;  there  are 
many  wares  from  Luzon  and  Annam  which  are  like  Shinoyaki,  and  which  should  be 
carefully  distinguished  according  to  clay  and  glaze.  This  account  plainly  shows  how 
hazy  and  uncertain  Japanese  traditions  regarding  their  potters  and  pottery  are. 
The  man  Shino  Munenobu  is  called  by  Brinkley  Shino  lenobu,  by  Morse  Shino 
Saburo  or  Shino  Oribe  (pseudonym  Shino  So-on),  by  T.  Ou£da  Shino  Soshin.  Has 
he  really  lived,  and  when?  li  he  lived  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  as 
maintained  by  a  weak  tradition,  he  is  not  very  likely  to  have  obtained  any  pottery 
from  Luzon,  as  there  is  no  evidence  of  Japan  having  had  any  intercourse  with  the 
Philippines  at  such  an  early  date. 


July,  1912.  Chinese  Pottery.  39 

happens  that  Luzon  is  mistaken  for  a  Tamba.^  The  distinction  must 
be  made  by  examining  the  particular  features,  as  they  closely  resemble 
each  other  in  their  general  make-up. 

2..  Matsumoto  Hagi  2  is  of  soft  (yawaraka)  clay,  its  glaze  is  not 
transparent  (sukitoru),  and  its  sound  is  mellow  (yawaraka).  Luzon  has 
a  white  clay  and  lustrous  glaze,  its  lustre  being  more  vigorous  than  the 
green  of  a  snake  (Jakatsu) ;  ^  it  has  a  clear  sound.  There  are  Tamba 
which  are  alike  Matsumoto;  they  are  of  yellow  clay.^ 

3.  Takatori  is  of  red  clay  and  crackled  glaze.  Luzon  is  of  white 
and  yellow  clay,  with  uncrackled  glaze,  and  has  the  design  of  a  whirl 
(uzu)  on  the  handle. 

4.  Among  Seto  there  are  Luzons.^  Among  these  there  are  pitchers, 
bowls  and  tea-canisters  with  gold  glaze  and  black  streaks  running  over 
it.  They  are  found  scattered  among  those  called  "certain  wares" 
{naniyaki) . 

5.  Oribe  and  Luzon  resemble  each  other.  Luzon  is  hard  and 
lustrous;  Oribe  is  soft  and  of  poor  lustre. 

6.  There  are  also  Shino  which  are  identical  with  Luzons.  Luzons 
have  a  transparent  glaze,  and  on  the  bottoms  and  handles  of  the  bowls 

^  The  notice  of  Brinkley  (p.  399),  presumably  derived  also  from  a  Japanese 
source,  tha^  the  early  productions  of  Tamba, —  a  peculiar  faience  having  reddish 
paste  and  blisters  on  its  surface, —  are  supposed  to  resemble  an  imported  ware  at- 
tributed to  Siam,  is  remarkable  in  this  connection.  Brinkley,  further,  alludes  to 
splashed  glazes  on  Tamba  which  occasionally  occur  and  are  not  without  attractions, 
and  Mr.  Morse  (p.  179)  describes  a  Tamba  jar  of  rich  brown  Seto  glaze  with  splashes 
of  lustrous  brown,  mottled  with  greenish-yellow;  but  neither  mentions  splashes  or 
paints  on  the  bottom.  Ou£da  Tokounosouk^  (La  ceramique  japonaise,  p.  90) 
says  regarding  the  ancient  Tamba  pieces  that  their  surface  is  uneven  or  rough  like 
the  Korean  vases  or  those  of  the  Namhan, —  the  only  previous  instance  in  our 
literature  where  this  term  has  been  used  with  reference  to  pottery. 

2  Matsumoto  is  a  place  in  the  Abu  district,  province  of  Nagato.  The  Korean 
Rikei  who  opened  pottery  work  in  Hagi,  on  his  search  for  suitable  clay,  first  dis- 
covered it  at  Matsumoto,  and  there  he  settled  (Brinkley,  p.  344;  Morse,  p.  82). 

^  Jakatsu  is  the  name  of  a  peculiar  glaze  invented  in  China,  imitated  in  a  ware 
of  Satsuma;  its  dark  gray  and  green  glaze  is  run  in  large,  distinct  globules,  supposed 
to  resemble  the  skin  of  a  snake  (but  not  the  scales  on  a  dragon's  back,  as  Brinkley, 
p.  137,  says).  In  China,  this  glaze  (called  "snake-skin  green,"  sM  p'i  lu)  first  ap- 
pears in  the  era  of  K'ang-hi  (1662-1722)  and  is  still  imitated  at  King-t^-ch^n-(ST. 
JuLiEN,  Histoire  et  fabrication  de  la  porcelaine  chinoise,  pp.  107,  195). 

<  Mr.  Morse  (p.  178)  speaking  of  the  earliest  Tamba  made  in  Onohara  evidently 
alludes  to  this  passage  when  he  says:  "These  are  probably  the  ones  mentioned  in 
Tokiko  as  resembling  old  Hagi."  But  Morse  maintains  that  these  pieces  have 
reddish  clay. 

5  Seto  is  a  small  village  in  the  province  of  Owari.  The  Seto  ware  (setomono 
or  setoyaki)  which  has  become  the  generic  term  for  all  ceramic  manufactures  of 
Japan  wa*  originated  by  Toshiro,  the  so-called  Father  of  Pottery  (regarding  his  Hfe 
see  Morse,  pp.  183-184).  In  Vol.  II,  p.  11  of  his  work,  Tanaka  remarks  that 
among  a  kind  of  yellow  Seto  {Ki-Seto),  to  which  we  referred  above  (p.  34),  with 
lustrous  glaze  and  metallic  sound.  Luzon.  Annam,  and  Fukien  wares  are  mixed,  that 
the  latter  has  fine  white  clay,  while  Seto  clay  is  coarse. 


40     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

there  are  designs  of  tomoye  and  three  apertures.     Shino  has  nothing 
of  the  kind. 

7.  The  tea-canisters  of  Luzon  are  of  the  best  quaHty.  Those 
which  might  be  confounded  with  Tamba  are  first  and  second  grades,  j 
Those  looking  Hke  Seto  are  coarse  and  low  grades  of  Luzons.  They  1 
are  frequently  found  together  with  those  ranging  as  second  quaHties 
among  the  Namban.i  jhe  water-dishes  (mizu-ire)  2  and  oil-dishes 
(abura-ire)  among  the  Namban  with  yellow  clay  and  splashes  of  dark- 
brown  (shibu  fukidasu)  are  Luzons. 

8.  I  obtained  a  tea-canister  of  the  shape  \      /  similar  to  Tamba. 

On  its  shoulders,  four  plum-blossoms  and  two  seals  are  impressed  by 
means  of  a  stamp.     The  writing  was  first  illegible,  but  when  I  rubbed 


it,  it  appeared  as  follows: 


^ 


The  symbol  in  the  latter 


seal  may  be  the  character   M  Lil  in  the  national  writing  of  Luzon. * 

X? 

This  vessel  was  of  yellow  clay  and  tea-colored  glaze  with  splashes  of 
dark-brown  (shibu). 

9.  Pearl-gray  celadon  (shukd  seiji)  is  the  celadon  {seiji)  of  Luzon. 

10.  Sun-koroku  should  be  written  Rusun-  (i.  e.  Luzon)  koroku.^ 

^  Namban  is  here  expressed  in  the  text  by  "insular  objects." 

2  Dishes  containing  the  water  to  be  poured  on  the  ink-pallets  and  used  in  rubbing 
a  cake  of  ink. 

3  In  the  Japanese  text,  the  two  seals  are  placed  the  one  below  the  other;  for  the 
sake  of  convenience,  they  are  here  arranged  side  by  side. 

^  This  supposition  is  probably  correct.  The  case  is  as  follows.  The  second 
portion  of  the  seal  plainly  contains  two  Chinese  characters  reading  sung  ch'  i;  this 
character  sung  is  used  in  writing  the  second  syllable  in  the  name  of  Luzon,  Chinese 
Lii-sung,  Japanese  Ru-sun.  It  is  therefore  logical  to  conjecture  the  character  for 
Lu  preceding  that  for  sung.  The  sign  in  the  first  seal,  however,  is  not  obviously 
identical  with  the  latter,  but  apparently  a  variation  of  it  in  ornamental  style,  which, 
as  suggested  by  our  author,  may  have  developed  on  Luzon  itself.  If  we  adopt 
this  reading,  we  obtain  the  legend:  Lii-sung  ch'i  (Chinese)  or  Ru-sun  tsukuru  (Jap- 
anese), which  means:  "Luzon  make,"  or  "made  on  Luzon."  I  see  no  reason  to 
doubt  the  credibility  of  our  informant,  and  take  it  for  granted  that  a  vessel  with  such 
a  seal  really  was  in  existence.  This  fact,  then,  is  of  great  historical  importance, 
for  it  demonstrates  that  pottery  may  have  actually  been  manufactured  on  the 
Philippines  either  by  Chinese  or  Japanese,  or  by  both. 

5  Mr.  Morse  (p.  321)  alludes  to  this  passage  in  the  following  notice:  "The 
work  Tokiko  says  that  the  word  Sunkoroku  ought  to  be  written  Rosokoroku.  It 
further  adds  that  Sun  stands  for  the  Chinese  dynasty,  and  Koroku  the  name  of  a 
pottery. ' '  But  it  will  be  seen  from  the  above  text  that  our  author  means  to  express 
a  dififerent  sense.  He  is  far  from  identifying  the  word  Sun  with  the  Sung  dynasty, 
but  proposes  to  interpret  it  as  Lii-sung,  Rusun,  Luzon  (the  reading  Roso  is  certainly 
possible,  but  the  Tokiko,  in  the  first  passage  where  the  word  occurs,  transcribes  the 
characters  in  Kana  as  Rusun).  The  pottery  called  Sunkoroku  is,  according  to 
Morse,  a  hard  stoneware  with  dull  yellowish  or  grayish  clay  (that  having  the  former 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  41 

On  Luzon  it  is  the  designation  for  a  dyed  article.  On  a  flowerpot  of 
Mitani  Rioboku  Fukushiu,  the  legend  Karamono  Koroku  {i.  e.  Chinese 
Koroku)  is  inscribed.  Koroku  is  an  article  of  pottery.  It  is  so  called 
by  combining  the  names  of  the  utensil  and  the  locality.  It  is  soft 
because  it  is  not  thoroughly  baked.  Among  later  imports  some  with 
black  designs  and  pale-yellow  glaze  are  encountered.  Its  sound  is 
solid. 

11.  Luzon  is  compact  and  dense  both  in  clay  and  glaze.  After 
years,  when  washed,  it  appears  like  new,  and  its  age  may  be  doubted. 
This  is  due  to  the  intense  heat  of  the  tropical  regions. 

12.  The  genuine  jars  and  tea-canisters  have  their  bottoms  concave.^ 
The  "Book  on  Tea"  (Cha-kei)  says:  "When  placed  on  the  bottom  and 
on  the  sides  of  the  body,  tea  keeps  well  in  these  jars."  Luzon,  therefore, 
is  serviceable  for  tea. 

13.  The  best  qualities  are  of  white  clay;  the  middle  grades  are  of 
yellow  clay  mixed  with  white  clay  and  sand ;  and  the  lowest  grades  are 
of  purplish-black  clay. 

14.  All  Luzon  pieces  have  the  wheel-mark  (rokuro)  ^D^  -     On  the 

incense-boxes  {kdgo)  it  is  always  found  inside  of  the  body  and  on  the 
Hd.  On  the  basins  {hachi),  censers  {koro)  and  bowls  (chawan)  it  is 
outside  on  the  bottom.  On  the  pitchers  (mizusashi)  it  is  on  the  handle. 
Among  the  so-called  Koshido  of  Iga  Shigaraki,  Luzons  are  numerous. 
They  should  carefully  be  distingmshed.  Those  of  stronger  lustre 
and  free  from  any  defilements  are  Luzons.  One  will  surely  find  two 
vertical  spatular  marks  on  the  right. 

The  following  varieties  are  encountered  among  Luzons:  Tea- 
canisters  with  plum-blossoms  impressed  by  means  of  a  stamp,  and  a 

color  being  the  oldest)  with  a  peculiar  archaic  decoration  of  scrolls  and  diapers, 
rarely  landscapes,  carefully  drawn  in  dark  brown;  whatever  the  origin  of  the  style 
of  decoration,  it  forms  a  most  unique  type.  There  are  fifteen  pieces  of  this  pottery 
in  the  Morse  collection  at  Boston,  and  one  of  these  is  dated  1845.  It  may  hence 
be  inferred  that  the  first  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  the  period  when  the  Sun- 
koroku  was  in  vogue.  The  Japanese  concerned  seem  to  agree  in  assigning  to  it  a 
foreign  origin.  T.  Oueda  (La  ceramique  japonaise,  p.  69)  explains  the  word  as  the 
name  of  a  centre  of  foreign  manufacture  the  products  of  which  were  imitated. 
Brinkley  (p.  171)  holds  a  more  elaborate  theory.  He  makes  Sunkoroku  a  variety 
of  Satsuma  copied  from  a  faience  of  archaic  character  manufactured  near  Aden,^  and 
valued  by  the  Japanese  for  the  sake  of  its  curiosity  and  foreign  origin.  "The 
pate  is  stone-gray,  tolerably  hard,  but  designedly  less  fine  than  that  of  choice  Satsu- 
ma wares.  The  glaze  is  translucid,  and  the  decoration  consists  of  zigzags,  scrolls, 
diapers,  and  tessellations  in  dark  brown  obtained  from  the  juice  of  the  Kaki.  The 
Indian  affinities  of  this  type  are  unmistakable.  It  is  not  without  interest,  but  a 
somewhat  coarse  gray  faience  with  purely  conventional  designs  in  dark  brown  cer- 
tainly cannot  boast  many  attractions.  The  original  ware  of  Aden  is,  in  some  cases, 
redeemed  from  utter  homehness  by  a  curious  purplish  tinge  which  the  glaze  assumes 
in  places."  It  is  evident  that  this  pottery  is  different  from  that  of  our  Japanese 
author,  which  is  stated  to  be  soft. 

1  This  is  the  case  in  all  specimens  of  Philippine  jars  in  Mr.  Cole's  collection 


42     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

thin  yellow-green  glaze.  The  same  with  a  combination  of  black  and 
gold  glaze.  The  same  with  gold  glaze.  The  same  with  black  glaze. 
The  same  with  tea-colored  (brownish)  glaze  and  provided  with  ears. 
The  same  with  green-yellow  glaze.  The  same  with  yellow  glaze.  The 
same  of  the.  shape  of  a  rice-kettle.  The  same  with  four  nipples. ^  The 
same  with  projecting  bottom.  The  same  called  Usu-ito-giriP-  The 
same  called  Hi-tasuki.^  The  same  with  candy-brown^  glaze.  Mon- 
rin.^  Tegami.^  Oil-pitchers.  The  same  with  ears.  The  same,  Utsu- 
mi  and  Daikei.^  The  same  called  Nasubi.^  The  same  called  Wari- 
futa.^     Various  shapes  of  Bizen.     Shapes  of  Iga,  and  other  kinds. 

Of  Mishima  there  are  the  following:  Undecorated  common  ones 
{muji-hira).  The  same,  of  the  black  variety  of  the  country  Go.^° 
With  painting  of  a  trout  {ayu).  Various  kinds  with  brush -marks 
(hakeme).  Old  Mishima.  Deep  bowls  {domhuri).  Various  Mishima. 
Gourd-shaped  fire-holders  with  brush-mark. 

Of  white  porcelain,  there  are  the  following:  Pitchers  (katakuchi) . 
Hcind-jngs  (te-bac hi).  Boat-shaped  jugs  (fune-bachi)}^  Various  bowls. 
Tachimizu.     Gourd-shaped    fire-holders.     Plain    basins.     Fire-holders 

^  I.  e.  knobs.  The  Chinese  archaeologists  avail  themselves  of  the  same  expression 
in  describing  the  knobs  on  certain  ancient  bronze  bells  and  metal  mirrors.  Com- 
pare p.  36. 

2  /.  e.  cut  with  a  thin  thread.  The  thread  was  used  to  cut  off  the  superfluous 
clay  at  the  bottom  of  the  piece  before  removing  the  latter  from  the  wheel,  a  con- 
trivance first  applied  by  the  famous  potter  Toshiro  of  the  thirteenth  century  (Brink- 
ley,  p.  266).  The  term  is  here  simply  used  in  opposition  to  the  pieces  with  pro- 
jecting bottom. 

3  /.  e.  vermilion  cord;  tasuki  is  a  cord  used  for  girding  up  the  sleeves  while  work- 
ing. These  vessels  doubtless  had  a  cord  brought  out  in  relief  around  the  neck,  as 
may  be  seen,  e.  g.,  also  in  Chinese  terra  cotta  of  Yi-hsing. 

*  Ante  or  takane  is  a  kind  of  jelly  made  from  wheat  or  barley  flour. 

5  Or  Bun-rin.  Brinkley  (p.  319)  mentions  a  tea-jar  named  Fun-rin  cha-tsubo, 
without  explaining  this  designation. 

^  Jars  with  ears. 

^  Utsumi  (Chinese:  nei  hai)  means  inland  sea,  .and  daikei  (Chinese:  ta  hai) 
great  sea;  expressions  to  denote  certain  varieties  of  pottery. 

^  J.  e.  egg-plant. 

'  /.  e.  with  divided  lids. 

"  Chinese:  Wu.  Wu  was  the  name  of  an  ancient  kingdom  in  China  inhabited 
by  a  non-Chmese  stock  of  peoples  and  comprising  the  territory  of  the  present  prov- 
mce  of  Kiangsu,  the  south  of  Anhui,  and  the  north  of  Ch^kiang  and  Kiangsi.  An 
ancient  tradition  has  it  that  the  Japanese  called  themselves  descendants  of  the 
ancestor  of  the  kings  of  Wu  (Chavannes,  Les  memoires  historiques  de  Se-ma 
Ts  len,  Vol.  IV,  p.  i),  and  the  oldest  cultural  relations  of  Japan  with  China  refer  to 
this  region.  The  Japanese  understand  the  name  Wu  (or  Go  according  to  their 
pronunciation)  in  the  sense  of  middle  China,  also  as  China  in  general,  sometimes 
more  specifically  as  the  region  of  the  Yangtse  Delta,  or  as  Nanking. 

^,  "A  jardiniere  in  the  shape  of  a  boat,  of  Shino  pottery,  is  figured  in  Collection 
Ch.  Gtllot,  p.  104. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery. 


43 


with  ears.  Kaya-tsubo.^  Wine-cups  ^  with  ears,  on  stands.  Koroku 
water-pitcher.  Koroku  deep  bowls  (domburi).  The  same,  hexagonal 
incense-box.     The  same,  incense-box  in  straight  lines. 

Of  Oribe  shapes,  the  following  are  known:  Three  incense-boxes. 
Water-pitcher  {mizutsugi) .     Flower- vase.     Bowl.     Basin. 

Of  Shino  shapes,  a  bowl,  incense-box,  water-pitcher,  wine-cup, 
saucer,  basin,  jug  (katakuchi),  and  others,  are  known. 

Of  black-glazed  ware,  flower- vases  with  ears,  various  water-pitchers, 
and  tachimizu  with  ears  are  known. 

Of  Iga  shapes,  water-pitchers  with  ears,  one  made  by  Koson,^  and 
various  pieces  similar  to  Iga  and  Shigaraki  are  known. 

Various  pieces  resembhng  Seto,  Tamba,  Takatori,  Yasshiro,  Karatsu, 
etc. 

Of  plainly  burnt  ware:^  bottle  with  vermilion  cord  (hi-tasuki 
tokuri);  fire-holder;  goiu-d-shaped  water-pitcher;  large  and  small 
kayatsubo. 

Of  gourd-shaped  pieces  there  are:  jugs  (katakuchi);  hexagonal  ones; 
tachimizu;  flower- vases  with  horizontal  rope  and  ears;  rippled  bowls 
with  sea-slug  glaze;  ^  basin  in  the  shape  of  a  fish;  water-pitcher  with 
dark-brown  (shibu)  glaze  and  potato-head  {imo-gashira) . 

Of  Shibu  ware  there  are  water-pitchers  with  indented  rim;  green- 
glazed  katakuchi  J  and  the  same  of  black  glaze  and  gold  glaze. 

This  account  is  exceedingly  interesting,  but  must  certainly  not  be 
accepted  on  its  face  value.  The  author  apparently  suffers  from  a 
certain  degree  of  Luzonitis  by  seeing  Luzon  ware  in  every  possible  case, 
and  without  rendering  himself  a  clear  account  of  what  this  Luzon 
pottery  is.  Judging  from  the  extensive  trade  carried  on  between  China 
and  the  PhiHppines,  the  large  bulk  of  foreign  pottery  brought  to  the 
Islands  must  have  been  of  Chinese  origin,  and  the  descriptions  given 
by  our  Japanese  author,  however  succinct  they  may  be,  hardly  allow 
of  any  other  inference  than  that  the  pieces  referred  to  are  Chinese. 
If  we  adopt  this  point  of  view,  an  embarrassing  difficulty  arises  at  once. 
If  it  is  here  the  question  of  plainly  Chinese  pottery,  why  does  the 
Japanese  scholar  not  make  any  statement  to  this  effect?  Is  it  believable 
that  a  Japanese  expert  in  ceramics  who  is  bound  to  know  Chinese 
pottery  thoroughly,  and  who  writes  about  it  with  authority  in  the  same 

^  Lit.  mosquito-net  jars. 

2  Choku,  lit.  pig's  mouth. 

2  Apparently  provided  with  this  mark. 

*  Suyaki-mono,  i.  e.  unglazed  pottery. 

^  Namako-gusuri,  so  called  from  the  Hkeness  which  the  flambS  glaze  bears  to  the 
greenish-blue  mottled  tints  of  the  sea-slug  (namako),  a  Chinese  glaze  imitated  in 
Satsuma  ware  (Brinkley,  p.  137). 


44     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

book,  should  have  failed  to  recognize  the  Chinese  character  of  pieces 
brought  from  Luzon  over  to  Japan?  If  he  does  not  allude  to  any 
Chinese  relationship,  but  classifies  this  ware  as  a  distinct  group  of 
Luzons, —  what  is,  or  could  then  be,  the  specific  character  of  these  pro- 
ductions to  differentiate  them  from  Chinese  or  any  other?  One  point 
is  obvious  at  the  outset, —  that  this  Luzon  ware  cannot  be  due  to  any 
native  tribes  of  the  PhiHppines.  The  descriptions  refer  to  highly 
glazed  pieces  of  an  advanced  workmanship,  such  as  have  never  been 
turned  out  by  the  aborigines,  whose  primitive  unglazed  or  polished 
earthenware  could  hardly  have  tempted  the  Japanese,  not  to  speak  of 
having  eHcited  their  admiration,  as  we  read  on  the  preceding  pages. 
In  order  to  understand,  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese,  the  assumption  of 
an  individual,  artistic  Philippine  pottery  coveted  by  them  and  deemed 
worthy  of  imitation,  we  have  three  possibilities  to  take  into  considera- 
tion: the  trade  of  Siam  and  Cambodja  with  the  Islands  by  which 
pottery  of  these  countries  has  doubtless  reached  them,  particularly 
the  celadon  made  in  Siam;  a  special  manufacture  of  pottery  in  China 
for  the  needs  of  the  Philippine  market;  and  possibly, to  a  certain  extent, 
a  home  production  on  the  Islands  through  Chinese  or  Japanese  settlers 
(or  both).^  By  availing  themselves  of  local  clays  and  glazing  materials, 
these  may  have  accomplished  a  ware  of  fairly  peculiar  qualities  and  yet 
not  much  removed  from  what  they  had  learned  in  the  lands  of  their 
birth.  Such  an  hypothesis  would  indeed  meet  the  requirements  of  the 
situation  advantageously  and  satisfactorily.  The  only  objection  to 
be  made  to  it, —  and  it  is  certainly  a  strong  one, —  is  that  no  record  of 
any  Sino- Japanese  pottery-making  on  the  Islands  exists,  either  in 
Spanish  accounts,  or  in  native  traditions,  or  in  Chinese  and  Japanese 
literature.  On  the  other  hand,  no  valid  reason  could  be  advanced 
against  the  possibility  of  its  existence,  and  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
ruins  of  the  celadon  kilns  of  Siam,  for  a  long  time  disowned,  have  finally 
been  discovered,  we  may  expectantly  look  forward  to  a  future  similar 

^  In  the  Seiyo-ki-hun,  an  old  Japanese  manuscript  by  Arm  Hakuseki,  trans- 
lated by  S.  R.  Brown  {Journal  North  China  Branch  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  N.  S., 
Vols.  II  and  III,  Shanghai,  1865  and  66),  there  is  the  following  passage  relative  to 
the  Japanese  settlement  on  Luzon  (Vol.  II,  p.  80) :  "  In  the  southwest  part  of  Luzon, 
there  is  a  mountain  which  produces  a  large  amount  of  silver.  More  than  three 
thousand  descendants  of  Japanese  emigrants  live  there  together  and  do  not  depart 
from  the  customs  of  their  fatherland.  When  their  officers  make  their  appearance 
abroad,  they  wear  two  swords  and  are  accompanied  by  spear-bearers.  The  rest  of 
these  Japanese  wear  one  sword.  The  Spaniards  have  laws  for  the  government  of 
this  colony  of  Japanese,  and  do  not  let  them  wander  about  in  the  country  indis- 
criminately. Four  years  ago  twelve  Japanese  who  had  been  driven  off  from  our 
coast  by  a  storm,  arrived  at  Rusun  [Luzon],  and  the  Spaniards  assigned  them  a 
place  with  the  rest  of  their  countrymen."  The  political  platform  of  these  Japanese 
colonizers,  who  seem  to  have  been  settled  before  1598,  was  an  entente  cordiale  with  the 
Spaniards  and  hostile  attitude  toward  the  Chinese,  in  their  own  interest  (see  Rela- 
tions of  the  Chinese,  etc.,  p.  269). 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery. 


45 


discovery  on  the  Philippines.  One  palpable  piece  of  evidence  pointing 
in  this  direction  is  furnished  by  our  author  in  the  description  of  a  tea- 
canister  bearing  the  Chinese  seal  "Luzon  make"  (p.  40).  The  only 
plausible  explanation  for  this,  if  the  report  is  correct, —  and  I  see  no 
reason  to  take  umbrage  at  it, —  is  that  a  jar  with  such  a  special  mark 
could  but  have  been  produced  on  the  very  soil  of  Luzon. 

Conspicuous  among  the  pottery  recorded  in  the  Tokiko  are  the 
celadons.  They  are  attributed  to  the  Namban  in  general,  to  India  and 
to  Luzon  in  particular.  The  black-purple  clay,  the  green  glaze,  the 
metallic  sound,  the  designs  of  clouds  and  cranes,  all  pronounced  char- 
acteristics of  celadons,  are  insisted  on  by  our  author.  The  search  of 
the  Japanese  for  celadons  in  the  PhiHppines  is  the  more  remarkable,  as 
they  received  these  vessels  from  China  and  Korea  and  subsequently 
manufactured  them  in  their  own  country.  Celadon  was  imitated  at 
Okawachi  in  the  province  of  Hizen,  though  the  time  of  its  beginnings 
seems  not  to  be  known.  According  to  Brinkley  (p.  99)  the  color  of 
the  glaze  in  some  of  the  best  specimens  is  indescribably  beautiful; 
only  a  practiced  eye  can  perceive  that,  in  point  of  dehcacy  and  lustre, 
the  advantage  is  with  the  Chinese  ware.  In  the  first  part  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  celadon  was  produced  at  Himeji  in  the  province  of 
Harima  on  the  Inland  Sea  {Ibid.,  p.  372),  in  the* eighteenth  century  by 
the  potter  Eisen  at  Kyoto  (p.  210),  later  on  at  Meppo.(p.  378),  from  1801 
at  Inugahara  (p.  380),  quite  recently  by  Seifu  at  Kyoto  (p.  417),  and 
at  Otokoyama  in  the  province  of  Kishiu  (p.  377). 

Hideyoshi,  the  Taiko,  a  liberal  patron  of  the  ceramic  industry  which 
was  revived  and  promoted  under  his  untiring  activity,  had  a  genuine 
jar  made  for  himself  on  Luzon,  as  stated  by  our  author.  This  is  in 
accord  with  contemporaneous  Jesuit  relations.  The  Jesuit  Ludwig 
Froez  (Frois)  wrote  in  1595:  ''In  the  Phihppines  jars  called  boioni  are 
found  which  are  estimated  low  there  but  highly  priced  in  Japan,  for  the 
delicious  beverage  Cie  (tea)  is  well  preserved  in  them;  hence  what  is 
counted  as  two  crowns  by  the  Filipino,  is  much  higher  valued  in  Japan 
and  looked  upon  as  the  greatest  wealth  like  a  gem."  ^  Hideyoshi 
monopolized  the  trade  in  this  pottery  and  is  said  to  have  confiscated 
similar  jars  on  their  arrival  from  Japanese  Christians  who  had  purchased 
them  at  Manila,  and  to  have  prohibited  any  further  trade  in  them  under 
penalty  of  death. ^  But  the  same  Hideyoshi  was  visited  in  his  castle  at 
Osaka  by  Chinese  merchants  who  brought  him  the  choicest  ceramic 
productions  of  their  country.     Many  a  noble  pair  of  celadon  vases 

1  Quoted  by  O.  Munsterberg,  Chinesische  Kunstgeschichte,  Vol.  II,  p.  247. 

2  O.  Nachod,  Die  Beziehungen  der  Niederlandischen  Ostindischen  Kompagnie 
zu  Japan,  p.  57  (Leipzig,  1897).     Compare  also  Cole,  above,  p.  10. 


46     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

thus  came  into  his  possession,  and  were  presented  by  him  to  temples 
throughout  the  country  where  several  of  them  are  still  carefully  pre- 
served.^ For  this  reason,  we  are  bound  to  presume,  either  that  the 
celadons  hunted  by  the  Japanese  on  the  PhiHppines  were  different  from 
those  imported  from  China,  or  that  the  Chinese  imports  did  not  suffice 
to  fill  the  demand,  and  that  the  commercial  opportunities  afforded  on 
the  PhiHppines  must  have  had  a  special  attraction  for  them.  This  may 
indeed  be  inferred  from  the  poHtical  events  of  the  time.  Hideyoshi's 
miHtary  expedition  to  Korea  in  1597  was  a  blow  directed  against  China. 
During  the  rule  of  the  Ming  dynasty  (i 368-1 643),  commercial  relations 
between  China  and  Japan  were  crippled;  Japanese  corsairs  pillaged 
the  coasts  of  southern  China,  and  fear  of  them  led  to  the  exclusion  of 
Japanese  trading- vessels  except  admission  on  special  passports,  and 
but  few  Chinese  junks  stealthily  made  for  Japan.  Only  the  advance 
of  the  Manchu  dynasty  brought  about  a  change  in  these  conditions, 
and  after  the  Dutch  had  lost  the  possession  of  Formosa  (1662),  China's 
trade  with  Japan  began  to  flourish.  While  Hideyoshi,  owing  to  the 
high  ambitions  of  his  politics,  observed  a  hostile  attitude  toward  China, 
he  cast  his  eyes  Philippine  ward.  In  1592,  he  despatched  a  message  to 
the  Spanish  Governor,  demanding  the  recognition  of  his  supremacy; 
otherwise  he  would  enforce  it  by  an  invasion  and  devastation  of  the 
Islands.  The  frightened  Governor,  not  prepared  for  such  an  attack  nor 
willing  to  lose  the  profitable  trade  relations  with  Japan,  sent  an  embassy 
under  the  leadership  of  a  Dominican  to  the  Taiko  to  whom  he  offered  a 
treaty  of  amity.  Hideyoshi  promised  to  desist  from  military  action, 
on  payment  of  a  yearly  tribute.  In  1593,  the  conditions  of  this  treaty 
were  stipulated,  according  to  which  the  Japanese  promised  to  despatch 
annually  to  Manila  ships  freighted  with  provisions,  to  stop  piracy,  and 
to  grant  passports  to  Spanish  captains  for  the  safety  of  their  ships.^ 

In  many  cases  where  our  Japanese  author  believes  to  recognize 
Namban  or  Luzon  types  among  well-known  Japanese  wares,  I  am  under 
the  impression  that  such  coincidences,  partially,  may  be  due  to  the 
common  ancestorship  of  these  pieces  being  in  China.  The  traditions 
of  Japanese  potters  rest  on  those  of  China,  and  even  in  comparatively 
modern  productions  of  Japanese  furnaces,  many  ancient  Chinese  forms 
are  rather  faithfully  preserved.  Mr.  Morse  '(p.  320),  in  speaking  of 
Satsuma,  has  the  following  interesting  remark:  ''One  of  the  types 
of  Ninagawa  ^  resembles  very  closely  in  form  a  jar  found  among  ancient 
Chinese  pieces  discovered  in  caves  in  Borneo,  an  example  of  which  is 

1  Brinkley,  /.  c,  p.  31. 

2  Nachod,  /.  c,  pp.  58,  60. 

^  A  Japanese  writer  on  pottery. 


July,  191 2.  Chinese  Pottery.  47 

in  the  Trocadero  Museum  in  Paris."  This  can  only  mean  to  say  that 
the  piece  in  question  is  derived  from  a  Chinese  type,  which  was  also 
the  parent  of  the  Borneo  jar. 

But  whatever  our  criticism  of  this  Japanese  record  may  be,  it  re- 
veals a  good  rrfany  interesting  facts  hitherto  unknown  to  us.  It  unrolls 
a  picture  of  a  former  intimate  contact  between  the  two  cultures,  and 
undeniably  shows  that  at  a  time  the  Philippines  must  have  been  a  rich 
storehouse  of  fine  pottery  of  various  descriptions  coveted  and  imitated 
by  the  Japanese.  We  are  thus  confronted  with  the  fact  that  historical 
problems  worth}^  of  investigation  are  connected  with  the  Philippines, 
and  that  the  question  of  foreign  pottery  in  existence  on  the  Islands  is 
much  more  complicated  than  it  appears  on  the  surface.  Inquiries 
should  be  made  in  Japan  as  to  any  stirviving  examples  of  this  so-called 
Luzon  pottery  and  its  possible  influences  on  indigenous  manufactures. 
Further  research  conducted  in  the  Philippines  may  bring  to  light  addi- 
tional material  toward  the  solution  of  this  problem. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.    XII,    PLATE 


BURIAL  Cave. 


FIELD   MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.   XII,    PLATE  V. 


Chinese  Dragon-Jar. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.   XII,    PLATE  VI. 


Chinese  Dragon-Jar. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   VOL.   XII,    PLATE  VII. 


Chinese  dragon-Jar. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.   XII,    PLATE  VIII. 


Chinese  dragon-Jar. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,   VOL.   XII,    PLATE  X. 


CHINESE  JAR  WITH   BLUE  AND  GREEN   MOTTLED,  CRACKLED  GLAZE. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,   VOL.   XII,   PLATE  XI. 


Chinese  Dark  Olive-Green  Glazed  Wine-Jar. 


V 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF   NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   VOL.   Xli,    PLATE  XII. 


Chinese  Light-Blue  Glazed  Jar. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,   VOL.   XII,    PLATE  XIV. 


CHINESE  BLUE  AND  GREEN  GLAZED  LlQUOR-JAR. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,   VOL.   XII,    PLATE  XV. 


Chinese  green-Glazed  Jar. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   VOL.   XII,   PLATE  XVI. 


CHINESE  GREEN-GLAZED  WiNE-jAR. 


^     UJ 


CALIFORNIA  COLLEGE 
IN  CHINA 


<X 


VKV^ 


